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O Marquês de Pombal e a sua época by João Lúcio de Azevedo

Never used! This item is printed on demand. More information about this seller Contact this seller 7. More information about this seller Contact this seller 8. Seller Inventory LIE More information about this seller Contact this seller 9. Published by College Publications. About this Item: College Publications. Seller Inventory ING More information about this seller Contact this seller Covers edge-worn and partially sun-darkened; large dampstain at top edge of rear cover, affecting last few pages; pages slightly toned, each with light crease at outside margin; otherwise very good condition.

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Condition: UsedAcceptable. Published by Centro de Estudos Judaicos About this Item: Centro de Estudos Judaicos, Condition: Used: Very Good. Seller Inventory Z Tapa Blanda. About this Item: Seller Inventory d10b89acdb87ba8d Published by Universidade Luterana do Brasil. About this Item: Universidade Luterana do Brasil. Seller Inventory B.

Published by Centro de Estudos Judaicos. About this Item: Centro de Estudos Judaicos. Condition: Fair. Seller Inventory B Published by Rio de Janeiro About this Item: Rio de Janeiro, Condition: Very Good. Seller Inventory ZB From: buyhereforbestdeals Buford, GA, U. Seller Inventory KHB Condition: vg. After the Truce, it was published in yet another edition now supplemented with a Spieghel der Spaensche Tyrannye, Gheschiedt in Nederlandt, onder Philippus, Coninck van Spaengien Mirror of the Spanish tyranny, exerted in the Netherlands under Philip, king of Spain.

The publication of those descriptions lasted well past the time of the publication of the Elzevirian Republics.

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Hispania and Portugallia did not contain similar descriptions of atrocities or cruelties, and they did not or only marginally touch on the main themes of the leyenda negra. Granted, the Elzevirian Republics were anything but neutral, yet they were free of hatred and even the partiality they embodied was very particular: in its explicit form it was limited to the introductions and very few chapters of the books. This myth as well is usually considered to be part of the leyenda negra and the Elzevirian Republics might have contributed to the dissemination of this idea in the extra-Spanish world.

Those perspectives can be described as the result of a combination of distance and interest, but an interest dictated by a feeling of superiority. They correspond exactly to the perspectives I consider to be characteristic of the seventeenth-century Amsterdam merchant-regents: the latter recognized that a certain degree of pragmatism was necessary for them to succeed in their business affairs.

The Elzevirian Republics and more specifically the descriptions of Spain and Portugal are perfect examples of this. On the contrary, the methods they posited for a better understanding of nature were the same as — and probably even inspired by — the ones they proposed for a better understanding of historical, political and social phenomena. Correspondingly, the Royal Society was one of the first early modern institutions systematically to advance empirical and experimental knowledge about foreign countries and peoples.

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Important examples were the questionnaires their early secretary Robert Hooke handed to merchants and travelers in order to record their experiences and to use them subsequently for scientific research. As Antonio Barrera-Osorio has shown, many of those questionnaires relied on early colonial and, again, mercantile experiences of Spaniards in the New World.

Bacon had written eloquently that scholars should work like bees, going back and forth between the work of collecting and the interweaving of information. Here as well we can discern affinities.

Such observation owes much to recent studies of the history of epistemic virtues and the pre-history of modern objectivity. For my purposes, however, both are equally illuminating. Daston declares objectivity to be a radically new value of the nineteenth century. According to Solomon, merchants and travelers knew more than anybody else that they could only succeed if they initially distanced themselves from their own interests and deferred to the views of the people whom they visited and with whom they traded. Bacon transferred this principle to the scientific context arguing that natural philosophers should likewise distance themselves from their interests and defer to the things they observed in nature so that they could then use their knowledge to pursue their interests and rule over those things.

The parallels between the perspective I have traced in the Elzevirian Republics and the one Solomon describes with regard to the English context are evident. In Hispania and Portugallia their stance was expressed through a particular form and content. The particular form was the compilation.

The particular content was the myth of Spanish decline. As one piece of evidence to which I will only briefly allude here because it goes beyond the scope of this essay we might consider the impact of Neo-Stoicism on early modern Dutch culture which Gerhard Oestreich so strikingly captured in several of his books and essays. New elites took shape that over time would become significant power factors. Parts of these elites were the merchant-regents who had little in common with earlier generations of merchants. They had wealth, lived from their capital and were engaged in government and administration.

Their new social position found expression in a new mentality which scholars generally trace back to the years around and which they link more or less explicitly to the emergence of a stock market. The merchant had hardly any cares; and he had wealth at his disposal that allowed him the possibility of studying law, of furthering his education, in the best instance through educational tours; and then, should he so desire, to preoccupy himself with governmental matters. One might well suspect that it is precisely this type of merchant that both Barlaeus and De Laet envisioned.

In the morning he would go to the Athenaeum to hear the Latin lectures of the famous professors; at noontime he would check in at the Bourse to follow stock developments; and in the afternoon he would devote himself to studying scientific books, among them descriptions of the world such as the Elzevirian Republics. For this merchant there was little difference between merchant-knowledge and that pertaining to governance. What is more, his knowledge was an integral part of his self-image and identity.

After , the term mercator sapiens became an honorary title given to those who had taken the important step into a new era. His identity was tightly bound up with the image and identity of the city of Amsterdam. As the city changed when the university was founded, so did the merchant when he came into contact with scholarly studies. It was through his erudition that he was ennobled. His wisdom made him into a merchant-regent and philosopher-prince who, for his part, promoted scholarship and contributed to its success.

Interestingly enough, not only De Laet but also Barlaeus treat the Spanish as one nation among many, once a political enemy but now a commercial partner that must therefore be observed with an impartial and objective eye. The first lesson is a lesson in the history of early modern state descriptions. The second lesson is a lesson in the history of knowledge and epistemic virtues. Both are of course interconnected. The second lesson is connected to the history of knowledge and epistemic virtues in early modern Europe.

The ideal of the mercator sapiens serves not only as further proof for the connection between those attitudes and early modern merchant cultures but it also helps to link early modern objectivity with superiority. And it would also be clear that the prehistory of aperspectival objectivity comprised epistemic attitudes and virtues such as the perspective of superiority and distance that I have traced in seventeenth-century Dutch state descriptions, but that most likely can also be located in other fields of knowledge and stages of the history of the social sciences and the humanities.

I am grateful to all colleagues, friends, and librarians for their support. A first draft of the following essay was written during a wonderful year at the Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin, to whose staff I am deeply indebted. The University of Potsdam and the Exzellenzcluster 16 of the University of Konstanz financed the editing of the last version.


I am also grateful to them. Dongelmans, P. Ghoftijzer and O. Lankhorst eds , Boekverkopers van Europa. Het 17de-eeuwse Nederlandse uitgevershuis Elzevir , Zutphen , p. See also G. Frick, Die Elzevierschen Republiken , Halle For an analysis of some of the volumes, see V. Conti, Consociatio civitatum. Le repubbliche nei testi elzeviriani - , Florence The Elzevirian Republics became the object of frequent imitation.

Comparato and E. John, Geschichte der Statistik. Erster Teil.

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Von dem Ursprung der Statistik bis auf Quetelet , Stuttgart For an overview, see M. Rassem and J. Stagl eds , Geschichte der Staatsbeschreibung. Cook, Matters of Exchange. Huigen, J.

Frei Luís de Sousa (Revisão e Sebastianismo)

I expect it to be finished by Bremmer Jr and P. Hoftijzer eds , Johannes de Laet - A Leiden Polymath Amsterdam , special issue of Lias. Daston and P. Galison, Objectivity , New York , p. Haitsma Mulier et al.

The St. Paul of Sebastianism: tracing the millenarian legacy of Dom Joao de Castro.

Elf studies over de Amsterdamse Doorluchtige School - , Amsterdam , p. Also D. Frijhoff and M. Prak eds , Geschiedenis van Amsterdam. Centrum van de wereld - , Amsterdam For a recent description of the economic history of early modern Amsterdam, see C. Free Delivery Charges: Rs. Shipping Charges : Rs. We will let you know when in stock. Thank you for your interest You will be notified when this product will be in stock. I agree to the. Terms and Conditions. How It Works? IMEI Number. Exchange Discount Summary Exchange Discount -Rs. Final Price Rs. Apply Exchange. Other Specifications.

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