We have to tell people that if we want independence, there will be sacrifices. Not in Spain. From what I was saying earlier. I want to thank President Torra very much for his courage in saying so. Which is precisely why he gets criticism. He says clearly what the price really is of the goal that people say they have. And then, let people consider that. We will not say what has to be done. But we have to be clear. Do you want independence? Well, this has a cost. And as far as the Catalan government goes? As regards the management of the Torra government, what I said would happen is happening.
We have an effective government, yes. I put this in writing: once invested, the Government of the Generalitat would have a fundamentally defensive function.
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That is to say, to stop the other side from controlling it and dismantling the little autonomy that we have. But the government cannot meet the expectations of December 21 [the last Catalan elections]. By itself, the government, does not have enough strength. The Council for the Republic is an idea that, despite all the doubts, has ended up coming to fruition. The sceptics are sceptical in private, the enthusiasts, publically enthusiastic. This is because the Council maintains the mandate of October 1. The legitimacy and the political energy that were released on that day, if not institutionalised, would dissipate.
If I might say so, the Council is three things in one. On the one hand, government-in-exile in waiting; then high command in waiting; and finally Diplocat [Catalan ministry of foreign affairs] in waiting. It's the three things at once. What will then be the place of residence of the will of the majority of citizens of Catalonia, its representative?
The government imposed by Madrid or the Council for the Republic? And it is the Diplocat-in-waiting because the foreign policy reach of the Government of the Generalitat is limited by Madrid. And by the Statute [of Catalan autonomy] itself. The Generalitat cannot go around the world doing high diplomacy in an open way. But the Council can. Prepare an electoral system, because by next autumn at the latest we have to hold elections for the assembly of representatives. We also have to develop a technical infrastructure.
We need staff and we need to create the Council administration. We are working on that. And we need to carry out some specific projects. Flagship projects, some of them important. For example? We have to set up a think tank, because we lack a scientific basis on which to elaborate political strategy. That is, we need the observatory that tells us how support for the Catalan cause is evolving in the countries of Europe. And how many support us?
That means working with demographic institutes from different countries. And the other side is to speak with experts in international public law and political philosophy that have a consolidated position on the Catalan issue. And to make it clear that our claim is legitimate. And lawful. Here we have a battle. Because the problem that we have in the international arena is that they see October 1 clearly they bashed you but not so much October 27 you took an unconstitutional path. We have to turn around the narrative of the unconstitutionality of October And here we need political philosophy and experts in law, international and constitutional.
Would you like to stand in the May European elections? And I think it makes sense that in this list you would have, first of all, the prisoners and those in exile. But keep in mind that we would probably not be able to collect the official confirmation of our candidacies. The central electoral board has already said that we would have to go to Madrid to pick that up.
Your friendship with [Barcelona fourth deputy mayor] Jaume Asens and your work at the health ministry make you one of the independence supporters with the closest relationship with the Commons [generic name given to the left force in Catalonia that supports a Catalan right to self-detemination but not necessarily indpendence].
I would you ask them this question: Would Barcelona as the capital of a Catalan Republic help make a more or less egalitarian society? Nor their condemnation of the repression. Nor that they broke with the Party of Catalan Socialists [former partners in the municipal government] over article But I see that sometimes they still discuss about the national axis--unionism, independence and those of us who want to be in between. On the axis of Francoism versus democracy, the peace versus violence axis, the Commons must be unambiguous, as the heirs of the United Socialist Party of Catalonia [PSUC, the former Catalan communist party] that they are.
And maybe they are not entirely so. Well, neither with those who backed article Human Rights Watch denounces the impunity of the Spanish police. Extremadura leads the second phase of "go get 'em! Spanish government on idea from Extremadura: "It would be a usurpation of power". Spanish foreign minister orders diplomats to respond to Torra in all events abroad. Division in left-wing Commons group on Catalan sovereignty question. A blatantly intimidatory operation The Girona crackdown aims to elicit a violent response in order to justify further repression.
The entity has acted discreetly in coordination with the individuals concerned and their defence teams, in order to help without getting in the way. As a result of their efforts, they have lodged two legal complaints. They listed seven instances of the appointment of judges with ties to the Partido Popular PP. A trial full of irregularities and lacking a legal basis This is a trial that has no legal basis. Of course, they made an attempt to try to respect the proper legal safeguards as soon as the case reached the Supreme Court. However, right from the start it was a disaster.
They violated the most basic rights due to any defence. This is a serious breach of protocol. No lawyer with a modicum of dignity would say that the case is based on actual crimes. This is an argument seriously lacking a legal basis. Some of the defendants in this unique trial have only been charged with disobedience. Sending a few of the defendants to the HCJC with the excuse of disobedience, the Supreme Court saves itself from putting them on trial, thus only needing to sit twelve individuals in the dock.
They are dealing with the case based on political criteria. Legally speaking there is no case to answer since no crime has been committed. A speedy, no holds barred attempt to punish the independence movement Even if the authority of the Supreme Court judges were completely isolated from the executive branch, they would still act in the exact same way. They already act autonomously with the intention of defending the State. This is their function. The composition of the court and its instructions are suited to what it does. The unorthodox appointment of Llarena as the investigating magistrate When Llarena was appointed to the criminal chamber of the Supreme Court, there were twelve judges.
In total, seven judges were unable to preside over the trial. This left five judges who were eligible. Trials are always assigned based on seniority; Llarena was the most junior member of the court, the last on the list. But, for a reason unknown to us, none of the four judges before Llarena took the case. We believe that Carlos Lesmes found him the easiest to control. The idea behind having Llarena take the case was for everyone else to be in the background controlling the trial. And I understand that Llarena wanted to make sure that, in the event of any appeals, he could be sure that it would be handled with his typical firmness.
There are only twelve of them. Ultra-conservative judges Marchena has a tarnished reputation and his impartiality has been called into question. Quite frankly, he ought to step aside. And all the judges have a very similar profile in terms of their way of thinking and the attitude they will have during the trial. I can only imagine that the decision to do things in a particular way was taken by a small group of individuals.
When we were convinced that the investigating judge, Pablo Llarena, had committed a series of irregularities or made statements that were out of line, the appeals court backed him up and defended him. The judges are all hard-line conservatives, some are ultra-conservative, highly influenced by the Opus Dei. They were all in agreement, following the manual written by Federico Trillo, the mastermind of the current judicial structure. When the PP decides there is a need to defend the state and put the judicial machinery in motion, the system runs as smooth as silk, everything is perfectly coordinated, having been prepared to act in situations exactly like this one.
The whole thing went like clockwork. Thanks to the structure designed by minister Trillo, individuals with the conservative profile which they were looking for could be appointed to the highest positions within the Spanish justice system. The centre of power is located at the GCJ. Whoever controls it also controls the justice system. As a result, the key aspect was to change the way judges are appointed, replacing what, in principle, according to law, ought to be based on merit and experience.
However, an analysis of those who have been appointed shows that it was less to do with merit and experience and more to do with their close ties to the PP. The GCJ appoints everyone from the president of the Supreme Court to the presidents of the provincial courts across Spain. The GCJ controls the whole system. But of course, seeing how the Second Chamber has had three vacancies, how they fill them, and who they appoint…. As a result, she turned down the case before they could recuse her.
But it occurred to the PP at that precise moment that the criminal chamber needed a president. As a result, she went from being a peer of judges who had informed her she was unfit to hear the case, to being their president and, therefore, to having control over the chamber. The PP sought this particular solution as a means of not losing control of the situation.
Marchena became ill and dropped out halfway through. However, there were vacancies for thirty-five positions which had already been filled. We have this in writing. And it just so happens that the person initially selected turned it down after receiving a phone call from the chief prosecutor. The prosecutor has the cheek to put this all in writing. Obviously, we filed a complaint against this prosecutor with anti-corruption. Either way, corruption was involved. Back then the Partido Popular found itself all alone decrying the move and arguing that it only left the State a single defence strategy against a unilateral referendum: invoking Article of the Constitution to impose direct rule.
So from a legal standpoint, holding a referendum outside the existing laws —as happened in Catalonia on November 9 and again on October 1 — does not constitute a crime. At the very least, no charges can be pressed because —as we have seen— the State has other means to prevent the secession of a region. There is an easy explanation: since the Prosecutor and the examining magistrate could not invoke a specific article of the criminal code, they had to fabricate a narrative of violence to bring charges of rebellion and sedition against the Catalan leaders.
Had those articles not been repealed, today there would be no doubt that at least the Catalan ministers could be charged with holding an illegal referendum. In the courtroom, political discourse —this will be essentially a political trial— will have to alternate with a solid legal defence that exposes the falsehoods on which the case has been built. It is at this crossroads where we expect to see the statements by the defence that will be made public next week.
Specifically, they aim to expose the lack of judicial guarantees and the conditions which the defendants will endure throughout the trial: driven daily to court from their prison cell and with no time to confer with their lawyers. The information brigade BI of the Spanish National Police PNE is behind the police operation that has culminated - for the moment - with the arrest of sixteen Catalan independence supporters accused of public disorder in blocking the tracks at the High Speed Train AVE station in Girona during the first anniversary of the October 1 referendum.
Among the detainees, two mayors of the CUP and a photo-journalist. It is no anecdote that the BI has driven the operation: the BI's Barcelona province branch is a unit in the eye of the storm of many polemics for its actions, and it seems that it has now decided to go on the counterattack after being in the shadows for a while. What is the BI and how does it work? On paper, this unit is responsible for collecting information of police interest in any field, and this also includes underground and infiltration work. In Spain, each police headquarters has an information unit in the case of Barcelona it is in charge of all of Catalonia.
It is part of what we could call the deep state: governments come and go, political colours change, but they are always there. The BI has recently been recently updated. This is what is explained in a police report incorporated into the legal case that is investigating possible police abuses in Barcelona on October 1. The brigade, then, is in the eye of the storm. The BI is a particularly hermetic unit and little is known about its operation. The Barcelona BI was well-known during the Nineties under the name of "VI group"--of infamous memory for many social movement activists.
The scope of yesterday's police operation, with journalists, mayors and activists detained, shows the time we are living in: a time of degradation of rights and freedoms and consolidation of a low-intensity democracy. It cannot be allowed to become normal for police to arrest mayors, activists and critical journalists for no motive in the middle of the night.
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Because, as lawyer Benet Salellas, who has assumed the defense of the accused said: the arrests are completely out of proportion. Even if the detainees were responsible for the offenses they are alleged to have committed--which they deny--they are people with a known address, people entrenched in their social environment and people who at no time have had any intention of evading the operation of the legal system.
They could simply have been cited to appear in court at a specific time and date to make a statement, as on so many other occasions. That the facts for which they were arrested were not serious is shown by the fact that they were released without even having to declare before the judge.
We need, then, to analyse yesterday's police operation in a political key: we are dealing with a scare tactic. And not only a scare tactic against independence supporters: deep down this was a warning to all those who want to exercise the right to demonstate. It is clear that the operation yesterday does not favor the interests of the PSOE government, which is looking to lower tension so as to encourage independent parties to vote for its budget and guarantee stability. The following question should then be asked: Does central government representative Teresa Cunillera exercise any kind of practical control over the BI agents operating out of her Barcelona "headquarters"?
What account do these agents render to their police and political masters? The BI is a body of public servants that survives governments of all colours and ideologies and which is very difficult to control. To whom is it responsible? Who gives the orders? What is their agenda? Persecuted as a terrorist--Activist Tamara Carrasco campaigns for an independent Catalonia and has been in house arrest for nine months.
The Catalan independence trial: what to expect.
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Tracking Carles Puigdemont an "official secret", Spanish government says. Felipe VI's ode to the Spanish flag: "It's the symbol of unity". Torrent calls for an "in depth" investigation into the decision to assign the October 1 case to Court The twenty offers of mediation that came up against Rajoy. Torra calls for unity to bring about "democratic mandate for freedom" in Although its leader Santiago Abascal rejects the label, his ideology is based on populism, nationalism and an identity-based narrative. Catalan leaders urge political prisoners on hunger strike to stop protest.
Lawyers of Catalan political prisoners denounce infringement of basic rights at initial hearings in Madrid. Catalan government spokesperson Elsa Artadi on the Catalan government-Spanish government meeting of December Catalan National Assembly pressures Catalan government on independence: "It's time to get a move on". French 'yellow vests' meet Catalan 'yellow ribbons' with a protest and a song.
Detail of this Friday's protests against the Spanish government cabinet meeting in Barcelona. Supreme Court reduces sentences against Catalan politicians for vote. Pre-trial procedures against Catalan political prisoners begin. Jailed ministers and Puigdemont to lodge a complaint with the United Nations for a violation of their political rights. Editorial: Dialogue is a difficult path, but it is the only one. Demonstators outside cabinet meeting 3.
CDR roadblock cuts freeway near Girona 5. On Friday 21, the Catalan people are called to stand up against repression, violations of democratic rights, fascism, insults and harassment by the Spanish right, and the apparatus of a corrupt, demophobic State with deep Francoist roots. After months of repression, the imprisonment and exile of our legitimate government and leaders of civil society, of persecutions of mayors and public employees, of threats and aggressions, on December 21, the Catalan people showed its will in favour of self-determination, as it had done in the referendum of October 1.
This Friday 21, the Government of Spain is comes to plant its flag in an occupied land, and to humiliate an oppressed people that they want submissive and obedient It will not be like that! Neither the threats and siren songs regarding a false dialogue under the threat of imprisonment by the Spanish state, nor the opportunist and short-sighted attitude of some Catalan independence leaders will stop our firm decision to tear down the walls of this prison of peoples that the Bourbon monarchy and the regime of means.
Demonstrating, once again and definitively, that the only way to democracy for the Catalan people is self-determination and a free, independent and sovereign Republic. Puente himself explains that relatives and friends from all over the State are contacting him, afraid that Catalonia is on the brink of war.
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I am panicked and in despair of the climate of antebellum opinion that is being generated in normal people. Doing it through the media is crazy. We are already paying for it. If we are okay, if we are in danger. Were we well, were we in danger. I had to clarify that this was a joke. The reality is that there has been not been any type of violence in the streets of Catalonia, even if there are some sectors waiting in eager anticipation of this possibility.
Ines Arrimades, Citizens' leader in the Catalan parliament, demands the reintroduction of article to end Catalan self-rule Photo: TV3. They have been trying it, are trying it and will continue to try it in all possible ways. And they have created a supporting narrative that talks of a Catalonia divided into two irreconcilable halves.
And it's what expains the regression in the positions of the Party of Socialists of Catalonia PSC , which not so long ago defended a legal and agreed referendum and is now flirting again with article For example, when it has exhibited some of the tics of the old identity-based nationalism that, once properly exaggerated and manipulated, Spanish nationalism took no time in converting into a throwing spear of its own. Or when it has tried to get the job done without sufficient support, or without being sufficiently sensitive to the experience of an important part of the country.
In doing so, it has unduly increased social tension without this having helped it get closer to its goal. Quite the opposite. Fortunately, the majority of the movement for sovereignty today seems to have understood that getting out of the impasse means avoiding a repeat of these mistakes. The fact of the matter is that despite everything Catalan society resists being divided in half. For a democratic solution True, positions on independence are frozen and balanced evenly between supporters and opponents. But beyond that there is a broad and all-inclusive area of consensus that has not disappeared.
It is the consensus on the right to decide and for a democratic solution. It is the negotiated referendum and rejection of and recentralisation. It is, despite dissent about the best alternative, agreement that the status quo of the monarchy and the Constitution of does not offer Catalan society a satisfactory institutional framework. It is the area that rejects repression and the violation of civil and political rights. Now, the existence of this consensus in Catalan public opinion will not by itself be enough to unravel the situation, especially since as matters stand now it is very hard to give it political expression.
The centrifugal dynamics of parliamentary competition and the influence of Spanish politics and media pose many difficulties. The big challenge now, then, is to make this social consensus operational politically. And that will not be easy. Democracy is about to be put on trial in Catalonia, with the far right and the State working as one, once more. In contrast, today marked the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which is a reminder that rising against tyranny and oppression is a duty when basic rights are not protected by the state.
Not only is civil disobedience legitimate, but it becomes a universal civic duty in the face of injustice and the global drift towards authoritarianism. The totalitarian procedure repeats itself under the umbrella of xenophobic populism, an adaptation of pure fascism that never went away. Fear-mongering and pointing fingers at a common enemy as the target of all the irrational hatred have always been useful tools for the conquest of power.
In the Spanish state, the continuity of the Franco regime is pervasive in the defence of the holy unity of the country through police and institutional violence, through the judicial persecution of dissidence and the violation of individual and collective rights and liberties. The electoral rise of the far right [Vox] is further proof of the charade that we call the Transition 2. By allowing the crimes of the Franco regime to go unpunished, we condemned ourselves to amnesia and to continue suffering their consequences.
For this reason the Catalan Republic also becomes an exercise in democratic culture and radicalism. Democracy is about to be put on trial in Catalonia, with the far right and the State working as one, once more, against anyone who dares to question the regime 3. Still, we will put in the dock the only EU member state that keeps nine political prisoners in jail, over ten people in exile and hundreds of people prosecuted for defending the right to self-determination.
For all that, we will turn our trial into an international denunciation in support of human rights. The EU keeps ignoring its own fundamental and foundational values, but calls such as those made by Amnesty International and the World Organisation Against Torture are evidence to the fact that the Spanish case will never remain an internal affair. As Benet Salellas wrote in his 'Jo acuso. Defence in Political Trials], we cannot sit on the fence and believe that a political solution will crop up following a hypothetical favourable ruling by the European Court of Human Rights.
Sixty years after the Declaration, our fate is bound to this bill of love and courage for which so many men and women gave their very best. This is our humble contribution: we do not wish to leave as free men but as honourable people. The democratic solution to the conflict is a collective cause where we stand for the human condition, its rights and liberties. Today four good men have been on hunger strike for ten days. Next Sunday it will be one year and two months since we first held in pre-trial detention.
But what goes around, comes around: no fear, no sadness, we foster hope and determination. This makes us both enormously happy and unshakeable. Always forward! It has over , paid members. European parlaiment elections: Partner of Catalan political prisoner to run in European election.
Andalusia: PP, Ciudadanos to form coalition government backed by Vox. PSOE 'baron' open to outlawing pro-independence parties. Hunger striker Josep Rull: "The Spanish state is frightening and the Spanish still aren't aware of it". Spain's Constitutional Court keeps Catalan Parliament deputies suspended. Prosecutors to investigate Catalan police for not preventing weekend's protests. Interview with former education minister Clara Ponsati.
A tall, short-haired man sits behind it. A zigzag vein makes its way down the side of his forehead. The conference today is about cybersecurity and Daniel Baena, Lieutenant Colonel of the Civil Guard, has been invited as the head of the judicial police of Catalonia.
The lawman, in some ill-conceived moment of patriotistic heroism, opened a twitter account, and turned into a troll. These references are in the past tense, not because Baena has changed his opinions — his ideological prejudices continue to taint reports on the independence process — but because Tacitus no longer exists.
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Put your hands behind your head. No sudden movements. Cybersecurity, I suppose. Baena is done last. At the table, the Lieutenant Colonel is a voice of authority, the voice of what is called the rule of law the grey area of which goes wilfully ignored. There are empty seats in the stalls, despite the free and generous breakfast. Between the backs of the seats there are lolling heads, shut eyes, and a good number of lit mobile phone screens. On one side of me, a man covers his face with one hand. He is not angry at the hypocrisy dancing about on the stage.
Not ashamed. This is because he is asleep. His accreditation hangs limply to one side, from his neck. On the lapel of the jacket he has a pin with the Spanish and Catalan flags. Had I had one, I would have offered a pillow, really. That is why we have Lieutenant Colonel Baena, who will answer how a cyber attack can lead to criminal investigation and prosecution.
A beautiful answer, really. Too bad that if we apply it to other contexts, it coms completely undone in an instant. After an hour of debate, the moderator opens up the discussion to questions from the audience. Up went my hand, but I get sidelined, and they move on. I manage to flag the girl with the microphone and agree to go second.
She is on the other side of the room. Thirty uncomfortable seconds go by as she approaches. Nobody says anything, but the speakers stare me down. I can hear the heels of her shoes — amplified by the microphone she is bringing me — clicking across the tiles. Tac, Tac, Tac, Tac … I have never liked microphones. I can finally ask about Tacitus. The girl gives me the microphone and this is what takes place:. Journalist [P. And if… -Mario Sol [M. Not in this one. I stayed quiet, and stayed in my seat.
This time Baena did not need to hide behind a fake twitter profile, he was being directly protected by the ESADE moderator. Questions go by and nobody alludes to the Tacitus affair. Finally, Sol ends the debate and I realize that the man to my side has finally woken up. Their perspective is stunning.
I should have stayed and taken my revenge at the catered lunch. Are we going to go the way of Slovenia, Scotland or Quebec? Or none of those three? How will Spain choose to act? Like Serbia, the UK or Canada? The Catalan way has always been about demanding an internationally recognised referendum, rejecting violence and staging mass demonstrations that are exemplary and peaceful, not about fringe groups wearing hoodies who jeopardise the Catalan police force.
Independence support in Catalonia has risen to President Quim Torra must make a lucid, courageous interpretation of how far the Catalan leadership managed to go on October 27 and the reasons for that. Catalan organization in exile Council for the Republic is launched in Brussels. Clashes between Catalan police and anti-fascist demonstrators. Catalan president says visit to Slovenia has "broken the international silence". Fasting protests begin in support of Catalan prisoners' hunger strike. Torra opens a crisis in the interior ministry.
The decision to go on a hunger strike is not a course of action that is embarked upon lightly. Not because one needs special physical preparation, but because it requires a great deal of reflection to resolve the doubts it raises.
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Not only because of the effects on your body but, above all, for the strain it has on your family and friends, on the people who love you. This explains why the decision to go on a hunger strike can only ever be a personal one, strictly personal. It is a supreme exercise in sovereignty. The decision to start a hunger strike can in no way be seen as more courageous than the decision not to start one.
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It must be understood from the beginning that this type of protest is not an attempt to appear before public opinion as the strongest, the bravest, the most daring of the lot. A hunger strike is not a demonstration of anything and much less a form of competition with anyone, not even with oneself. But equally remarkable is the exercise in personal awareness and sovereignty that leads one not to start a hunger strike after reflecting on a host of factors which affect us all as individuals. I myself, at other times, have decided against taking this same course of action during personal circumstances which are different to those which I now find myself in.
It is certainly an extreme act of protest against a blatant case of injustice which has not been resolved and which has been going on for a long time. The strength of a hunger strike lies in the fact that it openly appeals to the feelings that each individual possesses, even those who commit injustices, and that it is closely tied to the values and principles of nonviolence. It is very difficult for a person who knows they are being spoken to directly by a hunger strike not to feel it.
Nonviolence directs its action straight to the hearts of those who commit injustice. And it does so with the conviction that sooner or later everyone may find themselves in the position to abandon injustice, and even to put an end to the violence which they have been hiding behind for so long. It publishes books on closely defined topics, mostly seen from a comparative point of view.
It is centred upon the remarkable outburst of large-scale plays written for urban production and dealing with biblical and hagiological subjects which transformed the art of theatre in France and gave rise to a new and multi-faceted theatrical culture. The nature of some surviving texts is subjected to close scrutiny and this includes detailed work upon some manuscripts and their typology. Further contexts are addressed through paradramatic aspects including sermons and the chansons de geste , as well as the political environment.
One recurring feature is the nature and activities of ubiquitous and powerful evil characters and their theatrical and theological significance. Author: Henry W. Terms and Conditions Privacy Statement. Powered by: PubFactory. Sign in to annotate. Delete Cancel Save. More information about this seller Contact this seller 3.
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