In such a conceptualization, one can further investigate how innovators in different cities organize themselves into broader communities, build networks, exchange knowledge and experiences through workshops and conferences, and articulate best practices. While transitions start haphazardly in a few cities, they may gather momentum when more cities join, when networks become stronger, when experiences stabilize into dominant designs, and when support coalitions are expanded e.
An illustration of this role of cities can be found in the historical transition from wells to piped water in the Netherlands between and Geels Table 2. The creation of piped water systems generally occurred sooner in larger cities, which had more people with sufficient buying power. Amsterdam , residents in was the first city to make the change, in , primarily because water from wells and canals was of low quality and brackish owing to infiltration of sea water from under the dunes Groen Rotterdam , residents in , The Hague , residents in and Groningen 50, residents in soon followed.
An exception to this rule was the small town of Den Helder 15, residents in , which introduced piped water systems to supply outgoing merchant ships with clean water. Although hygiene and public health were often discussed as climate change is nowadays , in-depth studies show that these were not the main motivations for cities, citizens and firms to switch to piped water systems. City governments had locally different reasons to stimulate piped waterworks.
In some cities, such as Rotterdam, piped water could piggyback on a canal-flush sewer system which had been created in the early s Van den Noort Drinking water was a by-product of the canal-flush sewer system, to help pay for its costs. The city of Maastricht, for instance, worried about the middle classes moving out, which was a threat to the tax base.
Third, for cities that suffered from quantity problems e. Amsterdam , piped water was an additional means of providing drinking water. A fourth reason was to improve hygiene and public health, but this was seldom the deciding factor Geels The first users of piped water were not the poor working classes who might have experienced real health benefits from clean drinking water, but rich people, who usually already had other means of getting clean water e. Various user groups rich citizens, industrial firms, municipal agencies also had different motivations to pay for piped water.
An important reason for rich people was increased comfort and convenience. Piped water offered a new functionality in water supply. It was no longer necessary to go outside to a pump, river or well ; one could simply turn the tap on. Second, piped water was a means by which to show status and social distinction. Third, quantity problems could create demand for fresh and clean drinking water. In Amsterdam and The Hague, rich citizens were willing to pay for clean dune water because it was better than water from local sources.
A fourth reason was the linkage of piped water with other sanitary techniques e. Piped water was linked with the culture of cleanliness, facilitating more washing and scrubbing Geels Piped water was also used for water closets, which experienced rapid growth in the s. Another early user group was industrial firms with particular needs for clean water e. For instance, in the city of Tilburg, waterworks supplying piped water were primarily created for the textile industry.
Local residents could thus piggyback on industrial water demand. Another industrial use of water was for the production of steam for steam engines. Firms were willing to pay for clean water, because free but polluted water might lead to deposits on boilers, reducing their efficiency Cillekes et al. Other early users were municipal 20 F. Geels agencies such as fire departments, cleaning departments which wet the streets to diminish dust problems, and used water to flush out public urinals. In sum, the shift to piped water systems was not primarily driven by hygienic considerations about disease and clean drinking water.
Instead, there were many motivations, which often differed between various cities. Cities also differed in terms of the organizational and operational dimensions of their piped water systems. In terms of organizational form, the systems could be provided privately or publicly. Early water systems in Amsterdam and Den Helder were private and provided by commercial companies. City governments were initially hesitant to get involved. But because private initiatives could be slow and risk averse, city authorities gradually began considering constructing waterworks themselves.
The city of Rotterdam had shown that this was possible in Subsequently, the number of public initiatives increased, although private waterworks also expanded Figure 2. The coexistence of private and public options created ongoing debate and uncertainty about the best organizational form Geels Cities also differed in terms of the source of water supply. Some cities used groundwater from the dunes Haarlem, Amsterdam, The Hague ; others used water from rivers Rotterdam, Maastricht or from small lakes Tilburg.
These differences had implications for the length of pipes, the kinds of pumps needed, the kind of water filtration systems, and overall costs. Additionally, city engineers had to address questions such as: How large and reliable were these sources? What would be the effect of drinking water on groundwater levels? On various specific dimensions, water supply systems thus differed between various cities. Although the Dutch transition to piped water systems was carried by various local initiatives, more aggregate national elements also played a role.
Quality norms and technical knowledge, for instance, gradually acquired trans-local characteristics. Early definitions of water quality were qualitative, involving turbidity, colour, visible contamination and taste. In the s, engineers proposed new definitions based on chemical properties e. In the s, microbiology formed a new body of knowledge for definitions of water quality. The initial norm for bacteriological purity proposed in bacilli per cubic centimetre was rather arbitrary. In , the Dutch Congress for Public Health published a better-argued Codex, providing indications for chemical and microbiological norms for drinking water Daru The creation of the Dutch water association VWN in coincided with the emergence of a technical regime of water engineers and specialists.
VWN disseminated knowledge to its members, organized meetings and exchanged experiences. In , VWN developed water quality norms that were indicative, not prescriptive. Formal norms were not articulated until , when a national Piped Water Law formally stated the chemical and biological requirements of drinking water. The national government only slowly became involved in water-supply matters. It was not until that it created some pressure through the Housing Law , which articulated quantitative norms concerning the presence of safe drinking water on housing premises and the maximum distance to a source of good water.
Although these national regulations provided a basic framework, it was left to city governments to implement them in practice. In , this Commission was split into two bodies: the Central Commission Water Supply, which functioned as an advisory committee to policy makers; and a State Office for Water Supply, which became a technical consultancy agency for urban engineers. The State Office performed technical and scientific research, and set up a central chemicalbacteriological Water Laboratory in to analyse water samples.
The State Office also turned into a product champion, advocating the spread of piped water to rural areas through propaganda campaigns, films and leaflets. But it was not easy to convince farmers that piped water was better than traditional water sources. Water companies were also hesitant, because the connection of rural residents required long pipe infrastructures and high costs.
To overcome these financial barriers, the government provided financial subsidies to local water companies in rural areas Geels These government activities stimulated the diffusion phase of the transition. The percentage of the Dutch population connected to piped water systems increased from 40 per cent in to A hygienic ideology emerged as middleclass norms of cleanliness linked up with medical science.
Cleanliness was important not only for health and hygiene, but also for social distinction Wright 22 F. Geels Proper, healthy and clean behaviour was advocated in a stream of brochures and journals. These hygiene and public health campaigns became part of a broader civilization offensive, which included both hygienic and social disciplining of the urban masses De Leeuw More people began to bathe and wash at home, and markets for new hygienic products e.
Although cities were a crucial actor in the transition to piped water, the above discussion shows that several national elements and processes around technical knowledge, policy and culture were also important.
Cities as initial seedbeds for transitions Cities are likely to be the initial seedbeds in transitions that start in cities but subsequently gather pace through the involvement of national actors and the creation of ever-larger infrastructures, resulting in national systems. In these transitions, cities act as initial seedbeds for the creation of niches and the performance of entrepreneurial experiments with radically new technologies. Firms and entrepreneurs may see cities as interesting locations because of their concentrated markets and wealth, possible support from policy makers to solve particular urban problems , and relatively limited infrastructure demands compared to rural areas.
In this pattern, cities are important actors during early phases of these transitions, but diminish in importance in the phase of expansion and up-scaling, which require major investments, and therefore the involvement of national players government, large industries. An historical example of this pattern is the transition towards electricity systems between and Although the phenomenon of electricity had been known for some time, diffusion proceeded slowly through an accumulation of niche applications.
Electricity first played a role in sending messages, via telegraphy in the s and telephony from on.
The next niche was formed by arc lights in the s , which were used to illuminate important buildings and to create excitement at important festivities. But arc lights were expensive and cumbersome, because users had to generate their own power using generators or batteries , which required a lot of expertise Hughes Arc light therefore remained restricted to incidental demonstration projects. Following the development of incandescent bulbs in , Edison set out to create the first electric system where power was generated by producers, distributed via a grid to users who could power various appliances initially light.
Edison opened the first integrated electricity system in in New York the Pearl Street station. This was a local system with a small grid that connected only a few users. The initial niche market attracted interest from shop owners who used electric light for advertising in shop windows , rich customers who lived in the vicinity and were willing to pay for electric light, from factories for which inflammable gas light posed dangers e. City governments subsequently became interested in street lighting, which improved visibility and feelings of safety at night.
City governments also played a role in issuing permits for the creation of electricity grids initially via overhead wires. But the main drivers of this transition were engineers, firms and various user groups. Electricity systems also spread geographically and popped up in various cities around the world see Hughes , who analyses in detail the creation and design of electricity systems in Berlin, Chicago and London.
Electricity systems were gradually expanded within cities, linking up more neighbourhoods. In the s, electric trams formed the next important niche, which was also situated within cities, enabling the substitution of horse-based transport omnibuses and horse trams. Electric trams diffused rapidly in American cities. In , 16 per cent of American street railways were electrified, about 70 per cent were horse- or mule-powered, and 14 per cent consisted of cable cars or steam railways.
By , 97 per cent of American street railways were electric Hilton Diffusion was rapid, because various powerful groups supported it. Horse-tram companies were eager to replace their expensive horses with electric trams, which had cheaper operating costs. Real estate promoters invested in tramlines because they increased the value of their land. Electric light companies promoted them because they provided an additional market that complemented their night-time light market.
Local authorities and urban reformers favoured trams as a means to enhance suburbanization, which they saw as an answer to overcrowded cities. The next important niche was the use of electricity to power machines, with the introduction of electric motors into factories. During the s, American industries such as printing, publishing and clothing began using electric motors to power machine tools Geels These industries were willing to accept the teething problems of early electric motors because they appreciated particular operating characteristics cleanliness, steady power and speed, ease of control.
Between and , the relative share of electric power in aggregate American manufacturing rose from 5 per cent to 25 per cent ibid. During the first decades of the twentieth century, electricity companies became more interested in economies of scale as a way to rationalize and drive down costs. Takeovers and mergers therefore stimulated the combination of electricity systems on larger scales. This initially occurred within cities, then at the regional scale, and after World War II at the national scale.
The creation of huge capitalintensive electricity companies coincided with the increasing involvement of industry associations and national governments Granovetter and McGuire with regulations and subsidies that facilitated electrification of rural areas. While cities had been important as locations for the early phases in the transition, their role was increasingly overtaken by that of these national-level actors.
Limited role for cities Cities do not play a very important role in transitions that involve limited infrastructure change, that have bigger roles for market dynamics supply and 24 F. Geels demand and that involve transformations of existing national-level systems where powerful actors are already established e.
Cities were not important actors, for instance, in the Dutch transition in production and consumption of meat. Total meat consumption increased from 43 kilograms per year in to 84 in Figure 2. On the production side, the number of pigs produced by Dutch farmers increased from 2 million in to 14 million in , making the Netherlands the biggest European net exporter of pork. The demand-side changes were related to growth in disposable income, lower relative meat prices due to mass production, marketing strategies from supermarkets which priced meat low to lure consumers into their shops , cultural changes in the role of family meals and the increased importance of meat in meals as advocated in cookery books, magazine recipes and culinary advertisements.
The supply-side changes entailed a transition from mixed farming to intensive animal husbandry, based on many technical changes such as breeding research, artificial insemination, population genetics, antibiotics, artificial designer foods, indoor husbandry systems, automatic water supply and feeding systems, electric lighting, air conditioning, artificial heaters, and manure removal systems Geels Specialization, mechanization, modernization and scale increases characterized this transition, during which the number of farms with pigs decreased by about 80 per cent, from , in to 29, in Economic dynamics were important drivers because farmers who adopted the new technologies and increased their operational size produced cheaper pigs and out-competed farmers who did not modernize.
But the national government greatly influenced this 50, 45, 40, 35, 30, 25, 20, 15, 10, 5, 0 Pork Beef and veal Poultry Other mutton, goat, horse Figure 2. Role of cities in technological transitions 25 transition by creating favourable economic frame conditions, including investment subsidies, the tailoring of minimum prices to the economic viability of large modern firms, the provision of guarantees for bank loans, the funding of demonstration projects that showed off new technologies on model farms, a development and buy-out fund that provided subsidies to farmers who wanted to expand, and compensation for farmers who wanted to discontinue operation.
Institutional power was also used to sideline protesters in the s, including animal welfare groups, environmental groups and the Environmental Ministry which became concerned about water and air pollution resulting from manure surpluses. The Ministry of Agriculture also tripled investments in research and extension services to boost the development and dissemination of new knowledge and technologies.
Forward and backward integration also changed the social networks as farmers developed new relations with supermarkets, slaughterhouses, meat-processing companies, technology suppliers, pharmaceutical industry, feed companies, the chemical industry and banks. In this transition, which changed technologies, networks, farming practices and consumption patterns, cities played only a limited role. Conclusions This chapter has demonstrated that cities can play three roles in technological transitions at the national scale. First, cities can be primary actors that enact the transition especially in cases of regimes characterized by many local systems of provision.
Second, cities can be seedbeds and locations for radical innovations in the early phases of transitions but less important during later phases. Third, cities play only limited roles in transitions that depend less on infrastructure, involve strong market interactions, and are about transformations of existing systems with powerful incumbent actors. Instead of a broad-brush claim, the implication of this chapter is that cities can play at least three possible roles with regard to low carbon transitions.
The first role is that city governments and their agencies are important actors, something that may be especially relevant with regard to local transport, waste and water systems. Cities can, for instance, attempt to stimulate public transport by improving bus or light-rail systems, or facilitate slow-transport modes such as cycling by creating separate cycle lanes and bicycle parking facilities. City authorities could also decide to stimulate green waste handling or recycling 26 F. Geels schemes. Some cities also develop visions about energy independence e. The development of such local energy systems would go against powerful regime tendencies in the past fifty years such as centralization of electricity grids and constitute a major transition towards decentralized energy systems.
My impression is, however, that there is more talk about cities generating their own energy than concrete action. The second possibility is for cities to act as early seedbeds for experimenting with and learning about low carbon innovations, providing the location where firms, user groups, special-interest groups and local and national governments interact. Cities could, for example, form testing grounds for battery-electric vehicles or fuel-cell vehicles. This could take the form of public tests such as the European programme for fuel-cell buses in various cities or private initiatives where motivated consumers would buy or lease battery-electric cars, firms would monitor the user experiences, and employer organizations or local governments would provide battery recharging facilities as in the San Francisco Bay Area.
Broader national diffusion of such transport technologies would require the creation of national infrastructures and the involvement of national-level actors governments, industries, consumer organizations.
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The third option is that cities play only limited roles compared to market dynamics and other important actors. This would, for instance, be the case in further expansion of nuclear energy or implementation of carbon sequestration and storage although cities could be relevant with regard to local planning and permit procedures. Three further lessons can be derived from the case studies discussed in this chapter. First, transitions are rarely guided by a single goal or purpose. Even in the transition towards piped water, which is often presented as a goal-oriented response to infectious disease problems, cities and various user groups had multiple motivations, of which hygiene was not the most important.
This case, but also the discussion of the electric tram, showed that transitions accelerate when actors with different motivations and interests support an innovation. With regard to low carbon transitions, this means that climate change alone may not be sufficient motivation. Low carbon transitions should also be interesting to various groups for other reasons. Second, the pattern of niche accumulation tends to be important in transitions, as illustrated by the second case. The application of electricity began in small niches but subsequently moved to other niches as the technology improved, as actors gained experience and learned about its potential, and as entrepreneurs saw new potentials.
When new lighting systems sprang up in the early s, few people would have imagined how electricity would transform so many domains e. Also, low carbon transitions are likely to be non-linear, to be full of surprises and setbacks , and to unfold differently from the way experts currently predict. Third, also in the case where cities were the primary actor the transition to piped water systems , national elements in particular, technical knowledge, policy and culture were important in the diffusion phase.
Although the focus on cities Role of cities in technological transitions 27 and low carbon transitions is important and interesting, this finding suggests that an exclusive focus on cities may be unwarranted. References Cillekes, C. Daru, M. De Leeuw, K. Granovetter, M.
Callon ed. The Laws of the Markets, Oxford: Blackwell. Geels Groen, J. Groote, P. Hilton, G. Hughes, T. Kemp, R. Meulders, C. Rip, A. Rayner and E. Malone eds Human Choice and Climate Change, vol. Shackley, S. Tarr, J. Van den Noort, J. Van der Heijden, C. Van Driel, H. Verbong, G. Vogelzang, I. Wijmer, S. Wiskerke, J. Wright, L. York, R.
The concentration of social and economical activities in cities has led to the recognition of urban areas as key sites in the production of greenhouse gas emissions and as potentially vulnerable to the impacts of climate change e. Stern ; IEA In this context, there is a growing acknowledgement of the opportunities that cities provide for addressing climate change.
DECC and adaptation measures adopted. Furthermore, city governments have had an important role in creating opportunities for climate change action e. Bulkeley and Betsill Mirroring these debates, there is growing scholarship on cities and climate change which focuses on urban responses to climate change and the factors that shape urban governance of climate change e. This work suggests that urban climate change responses can be understood primarily in terms of the development of new forms of policy and planning, and thus processes of change are driven primarily by institutional and political processes.
However, the dynamics of urban infrastructure and the challenges emerging from conflicts over the political economy of the city have not been fully explored Bulkeley forthcoming; Monstadt In the next section of this chapter, we begin to develop this argument further by examining the potential of theories of socio-technical transition in the context of urban responses to climate change.
We argue that such approaches provide a useful emphasis on the technical and material components of system transition, but to date have been limited by their conception of the urban, and by limited analyses of the political dynamics of niche and regime transformation. Attending to these limitations, we suggest, requires that we examine in more detail the nature of urban socio-technical systems and their dynamics. Finally, the fourth section discusses the implications of these debates for developing our understanding of low carbon socio-technical transitions and their consequences.
From policy change to socio-technical change Urban climate governance studies have emerged in parallel with a growing interest in cities as arenas in which to manage climate change mitigation and adaptation. These studies have focused on assessing the impact of urban policies and initiatives for a review, see Betsill and Bulkeley ; Bulkeley forthcoming , on the integration of these systems of governance across scales, for example in city networks e. These examples have shown that political and social innovation lie at the heart of these climate change initiatives.
Hoffman forthcoming has argued that we are entering a period of climate governance experimentation taking place at all levels of political organisation. Some examples of such experiments include the use of the municipal planning system to enforce Governing urban low carbon transitions 31 higher energy efficiency standards and the use of low carbon energy sources, traffic management strategies such as congestion charging, and the creation of new forms of public—private partnerships.
An example of the latter is a Woking Surrey, UK energy services company ESCO that has pioneered the delivery of decentralised energy solutions in the United Kingdom in the shape of a public—private venture which invests in energy and environmental service projects, such as district heating and cooling plants and networks.
As these experiments indicate, governing climate change in the city not only is a matter of institutional or political change, but also involves processes of social and technological innovation and transformation. On this basis, we suggest that a socio-technical understanding of the urban can provide a useful means through which to examine the political and material processes associated with climate change-related innovation.
Analyses of socio-technical systems, such as urban infrastructure networks, owe much to the pioneering work of Hughes , , who described Large Technical Systems as clusters of artefacts and social, cultural, economic and political factors that are both socially constructed and society shaping. Large Technical Systems are relatively stable, or obdurate, systems where change is largely gradual and driven by external factors. Nonetheless, such systems, including the provision of water and energy, or transportation, have been transformed over time.
This is often demonstrated by analysing the historical trajectories of specific technologies see Geels, this volume, Chapter 2. One area in which this approach has been advanced is in relation to sustainable energy systems Schot ; Hegger et al. Here, the focus is on social, rather than technological, experimentation. The combined experience of strategic niche management and social niches suggests that both the provision of some form of protection or shelter from the wider socio-technical system conceived in the form of government subsidies and preferential treatment and the internal process of learning by actors gathered around the emerging socio- technology are critical to foster spaces of socio-technical experimentation Hegger et al.
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Translation becomes a strategic practice through which niche practices can be interpreted, adapted and accommodated within the socio-technical regime. The plan, however, is not restricted to measures over which the government has direct control such as financing mechanisms for green business or house retrofitting but also relies on the idea that individuals, communities and business will follow suit DECC The strength of the multilevel model is its capacity to describe the processes of change and stability within the system and its ability to identify niches and processes of experimentation as routes for deliberate interventions to spur abrupt change.
However, there is a question about the extent to which niche and regime can be neatly separated. Innovations build on existing ideas, values and technologies, so few of them are truly radical Lovell : niches emerge from existing socio-technical regimes. If, in practice, it is difficult to determine the boundaries of niches and their relation to socio-technical regimes, their role in contributing to broad systemic change is once again open to question.
Debates about socio-technical systems therefore need to engage with who has Governing urban low carbon transitions 33 agency to lead or manage the process of innovation and catalyse specific types of transition. In conceiving of systems as both dynamic and obdurate, the model underplays the importance of conflict as an underlying motivation and structural constraint of change.
Innovation is also a political process in which varied actors with contrasting perspectives intervene.
Thus, there is a need to understand the political context of system innovation and, in particular, how contestation practices shape the process of innovation in unexpected ways. Furthermore, although there is recognition of the context-based and local character of some transitions Raven ; Raven et al. With its implicit national focus, the multilevel perspective regards urban energy systems as relatively indistinguishable from the national system of which they are a part.
Cities are approached either as homogeneous actors that act with a certain degree of autonomy in influencing government choices, or as the space of specific types of innovation see Geels, this volume, Chapter 2. In seeking to understand specific urban responses to climate change, we argue, an alternative account of the city is needed, one that can also take into account the politics of experimentation and of obduracy.
Configuring the city: nature, infrastructure and the urban The literature on climate change and environmental governance has demonstrated the relevance of the spatial component, the local and the urban, in transitions to low carbon systems. However, to date, its conception of the urban has been limited to one that delimits the city in terms of a polity or space for governing, neglecting its socio-technical dimensions. As we argued earlier in the chapter, insights from the analysis of the transformation of large socio-technical systems can provide a material counterbalance to these analyses, but they are also limited in the ways in which cities, and the urban infrastructure systems of which they are composed, are conceived.
Rather than being fundamentally socio-technical, cities are either regarded in terms of their administrative boundaries as sites for innovation, or considered as one set of political actors. Here, we suggest that in order to understand urban low carbon transitions we need instead to conceptualise the city and infrastructure systems as co-constitutive, reinstating the material and spatially 34 H. One avenue through which to examine urban transitions, the politics of urban infrastructure and how this is materialised in socio-technical systems, lies in the process that Graham and Marvin have called splintering urbanism.
Taken-for-granted discourses of profitability are leading to a widespread movement towards privatisation and liberalisation which results in the unbundling of infrastructure networks and the fragmentation of the urban ibid. However, the applicability of these concepts across different regions has been questioned. Empirical explorations of urbanism in cities in the global South have argued that this analysis cannot accurately reflect the socio-historical context in which the infrastructure has or rather, has not developed in these cities.
Despite these limitations, by drawing attention to the ways in which the development of urban infrastructure systems is structured through wider political and economic processes, and is taking different forms in different urban regions, the splintering urbanism approach raises important questions in terms of how we might understand the processes of low carbon urban transitions. Overviews: Mabogunje, A. Urban planning and the post-colonial state in Africa: a research overview.
Zed Books. Seminal texts: Simon, D. Cities, capital and development: African cities in the world economy. Rakodi, C. The urban challenge in Africa: Growth and management of its large cities. United Nations Univ. Davidson, B. The lost cities of Africa. The works of Akin Mabogunje; for an overview, click here. Other texts we found particularly useful: De Boeck, F. Antwerp: Ludon Freund, B. London: Routledge Stefan, K. Results In this section of the paper we present the results of our visual and algorithmic analyses.
Identifying polycentric and monocentric spatial structures The simple question we first hope to answer by taking a visual heuristic approach to commute data is whether it is possible to divide geographic space by taking an iterative approach to filtering and visualizing the ACS commuting and workplace dataset.
Fig 2. Fig 3. Fig 4. Algorithmic community partitioning In their algorithmic partitioning of data from telephone calls, Ratti et al. Fig 5. Community partitioning for the Lower 48 States, by tract. Fig 6. A commuter flow-based regionalization of the United States. Fig 7. Relative density of connections between the Los Angeles and San Diego regions. Fig Computed communities subject to interpretive analysis.
Reflecting upon Visual and Algorithmic Approaches As the results of this paper strongly suggest, the geography of labor and commuter interaction really does exhibit an identifiable, coherent spatial structure. Conclusion The results of this study point to a dynamic conclusion about the possibility of isolating coherent regional units: even within a massively-interlinked spatial structure, it is still possible to evaluate a structured geography of unitary regions.
References 1. Hagler Y. Defining U. Kotkin J, Schill M. New Geography; Sauer CO. Geography and the Gerrymander. The American Political Science Review ; — View Article Google Scholar 4. Christaller W. Central Places in Southern Germany. Translated by Carlisle W Baskin. Englewood Cliffs, N. Dickinson RE. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul; Whittlesey D. The Regional Concept and Regional Method. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press; Agnew J. Review of International Political Economy ;1: 53— View Article Google Scholar 8.
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