Present Imperfect Imperfect 2 Future yo teja. Affirmative Negative yo -. Continuous Progressive. Present Preterite Imperfect Conditional Future yo estoy tejiendo. Present Preterite Past Conditional Future yo he tejido. Perfect Subjunctive. Present Past Future yo haya tejido. Search over 10, English and Spanish verb conjugations. Conjugate verbs in tenses including preterite, imperfect, future, conditional, subjunctive, irregular, and more. Enter the infinitive or conjugated form of the verb above to get started. Try Fluencia, the new Spanish learning program from SpanishDict.
The page is Inaccurate Unclear Missing translations Missing conjugations Other. SpanishDict is the world's most popular Spanish-English dictionary, translation, and learning website. SpanishDict is devoted to improving our site based on user feedback and introducing new and innovative features that will continue to help people learn and love the Spanish language. Have a suggestion, idea, or comment? Send us your feedback. The initial immersion program in the United States was modeled after the pro- gram in Canada.
My career has turned into something that I would have never in a million years thought it would because immersion turned out to be such a good idea. There were so many questions immersion raised and so much research it has led us to do. M: You've received many accolades throughout the years. What recognition are you most proud of? MS: I actually have two I would like to talk about.
They are the only such pan-Canadian organization and they bestowed upon me an award for distinguished service to second language teaching in Canada. This thrilled me, given that it was a pan-Canadian organiza- tion. It was recognition of having worked in Canada. I do take my Canadian citizenship very seriously. The second award, I received just last week.
The American Association of Applied Linguistics gave me their distinguished scholarship and service award. M: This edition of Mester is dedicated to the topic of identity. What are the attitudes of the people towards the two major languages in contact, French and English? MS: Of course, the situation has greatly changed over the thirty years that I have been doing this. The first thing I want to say is that Canadians are very proud of their bihnguaUsm, even if they themselves are not bihngual.
They are proud of the fact that we are a bihngual nation. One of the reasons we are so proud of our bihnguahsm is to distinguish ourselves from the United States. It certainly is part of our identity. One could say that Canada is a bihngual country whereas America is a monohngual country. This is something that has actually created part of Canada's identity. Certainly, there are other economic reasons.
However, one negative result of Canada's bilingualism is that we pay less attention to the other languages spoken in Canada, of which there are many. Toronto is supposedly the most multi-lingual city in the world. Many other languages are left behind. It is true that in some provinces there are Ukrainian immersion programs and Mandarin immersion programs, but being officially bilingual, French and English get the majority of the focus. In fact, if I had known thirty years ago that I was going to be living in Toronto, you know what language I would have studied?
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Portuguese, as this is the native language of the great majority of my neighbors. Conversely, if I had thought about what would be the most financially viable language to learn Spanish maybe? The point being, to a certain extent, to be officially bilingual has constrained Canada in some ways.
Having said that, bilingualism is definitely part of our identity. Do they embrace English as well as French as being part of their identity? But I do think it is chang- ing. We have gone through this separatist movement and it has been decided that it will not happen. Now the world is moving on. The focus is on different issues hke the economy. In general, why learn EngUsh? This generation, the kids in high-school now, want to learn English.
They want to learn English because it is no longer a threat to them. Before, it was as if they thought that learning English would equal losing French. Now French is solidly part of ali of our identities. It is solidly part of who they think they are. Consequently, learning English is not the same type of threat it was twenty years ago. Moreover, when I had the occasion to speak to French Canadians, they would say "we have to learn EngUsh too. M: What is your view of the importance of minority language retention when two languages come in contact as they do in Canada with French and English or in the United States with Spanish and English?
MS: Would you like me to discuss only the relationship between English and French? MS: I think minority language retention is absolutely crucial. Of course, there are minority pockets of Francophone communities throughout Canada. No one is going to take it away. No one is going to let it disappear. As a resuh, I think people are more secure about their own identity and language as a result of ali of the politicai steps that have been taken. The reason why I asked you about the parallel with Spanish is because we are a better country now for having gone through this strug- gle of minority language retention, My intuition is that maybe the same steps should be taken for the Hispanic community in the United States.
I don't know how this could be done but I think this is important. M: In your work on French immersion, you argue that despite ampie amounts of input, traditionally viewed as audible linguistic stimuli, adult second language learners seidom achieve native-like pro- ficiency and thus benefit from instruction with focus on grammatical forms. Why do you believe that adult second language learners require focus on form?
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MS: Well, that is certainly what got me going on the Output Hypothesis. My observation of what was going on in class was that students just didn't get much opportunity to speak. The more I thought about it, I likened it to Frank Smith's work on writing. The idea struck me that maybe one learns to speak by speaking and does not learn to speak by listening. Comprehending and producing are differ- ent processes. The answer to your question is not that people should just produce more.
Nevertheless, I do think that there are functions of producing language that are unique and will make a difference in terms of what learners get out of it. Therefore, focus on form is criticai because it draws the most attention to those aspects of language, like morphology, that are not necessarily needed to be communicative yet are nonetheless an important part of the particular language 's gram- mar.
It is the dialoguing, the speaking, the "languaging", I like to say, that raises people's understanding and consciousness. M: For the benefit of our readers who are not necessarily familiar with your Output Hypothesis, could you give us an overview of what it encompasses in its most general terms? XXXIII 49 MS: Initially, the Output Hypothesis stated that when you pro- duce language, principally a second language, you often are able to recognize that you don't know something.
In other words, you can start to say something and recognize that you don't have the hnguistic abihty to say it. That very act of noticing would lead a learner to then go to another source, a person, teacher or dictionary, to fiU in the gap of knowledge. Essentially, the Output Hypothesis was noticed for the fact that it led people to noticing. The notion that you couldn't learn anything unless you noticed it had quite an impact in the second lan- guage hterature.
Production also has a role in second language acquisition. Learn- ers try out things and they can't possibly try out something unless they can say or write that thing. Hopefully, they receive feedback. People respond to production and the idea is that this feedback becomes an important part of the language learning process.
What I spoke about in the Matthews lecture was the notion that the very act of producing elicits a response. The mere act of producing elicits a response, even if you haven't a clue but rather just an inkling of what you were saying. It turns out that people will respond to you in ways that will give you ali types of clues to the actual meaning, even to the actual syntax and grammar, that wouldn't have happened otherwise.
M: Is there any correlation to the Output Hypothesis and the scaffolding effect of language learning that Eleanor Hatch describes whereby through negotiation of meaning, second language grammati- cal knowledge and discourse emerges? MS: Yes, but I think there is a slight difference between what Hatch says and what I would say, at least today. Although I certainly think she was an incredible leader in the field, the difference is the notion of input and output as essentially static.
In other words, you receive input and it should be input in your brain. But maybe you don't want to put it in your brain. It is the notion of co-construction that I think is the next step beyond input and output.
Input and out- put only get you to a certain understanding of what language learning is ali about. Fve seen so many examples of students together building a sentence, building meaning. You see them talking about it and they end up with this brilliant sentence. While people tend to think of language as a means of learning science or other subjects, they get stumped on the notion of using language to learn about language learning and using language to acquire knowledge of language itself.
For me, the reason for having collaboration like the sort that occurs in Communicative Language classes is useful because it gives students the opportunity to use language in order to learn language. This is a very powerful tool which aids learning. It is criticai to get people to talk about things they care about expressing, M: You have made a distinction between input, any type of audible speech stimuii, and intake, the input that is noticed and inter- nalized. MS: It is at this point that the question of agency becomes impor- tant. You have to ask yourself, why am I not internalizing some of the input?
Is it because of the nature of the luput. Perhaps it is because I don't like the way you sound and I may not be interested in sounding quite like you. Maybe I'm not interested in knowing that particular grammar rule because I get along perfectly well with or without it or with another.
M: Finally, in our department, there is a conscious effort to pro- vide the student with as much input as possible. That being said, the only language permitted in the lower-division language classes is Span- ish. MS: It seems to me that any stance taken that permits only the second language does not acknowledge the role that language plays as a vehicle for cognition. One of the arguments against using the first language is that it will lead to transfer. Another is that it will decrease the amount of input that students receive.
The complete counter argu- ment is to say that we use our first language to process our thinking. When faced with a novice situation and you can only speak the second language, the first language will still be used, at least internally. Why not take advantage of the first language? Por ello, muchas de estas formas pueden hallarse documentadas en textos de autores de los siglos de oro y de la colonia.
Se trata de voces muy comunes del habla popular mexicana que caracterizan a la clase marginada. XXXIII 55 "mismo", muina por "enojo", nacencia por "nacimiento" y recordar por "despertar", entre otros. Jesusa dice: "[. Voces para aludir a actos o partes del cuerpo de los animales referidas a los humanos En el habla de Jesusa Palancares, junto con neologismos del habla popular como infelizar "fastidiar" o "molestar", aparecen ejemplos como, buche por "boca", espinazo por "espalda", patas por "pies", pescuezo por "cuello", hocico por "boca", jeta por "cara" o empuercar por "ensuciar".
Poniatowska a su vez usa estos factores para caracterizar a Jesusa Palancares, cuyo caso es extremo, por ser analfabeta. Estos factores explican que hable de la manera previamente descrita. Families may remain marginal for gen- erations without showing any signs of upward mobility; typically their sporadic employment as waiters, tombstone polishers, carpet fitters, domestic servants is of little direct relevance to industrial production. Porque el que me golpeaba era un ser espiritual" Sus padres vivieron y murieron en la pobreza. Su contacto con las otras clases sociales es siempre desde abajo.
Por ende, Jesusa utiliza frecuentemente voces estigmatizadas y marcadores de clase. Es por ello que se dan situaciones en que el contacto de clases suele ser muy estrecho, pues casi siempre las personas que trabajan en el servicio de las casas y de las haciendas o ranchos: nanas, cocineras, recamareras, choferes, mozos o veladores, viven y conviven con las clases altas. De esta manera se crean relacio- nes lo suficientemente cercanas como para que sea posible conocer y adquirir el dialecto o sociolecto de la otra clase social.
Sin embargo, no sucede el caso contrario, pues quienes sirven no suelen aprender el sociolecto de sus patrones. A Jesusa no le interesa manejar otro sociolecto de mayor prestigio, distinto del suyo. Jesusa cuestiona sobre todo la actitud sumisa y "dejada" de las mujeres que "aguantan todo" de su pareja masculina: "Yo creo que en el mismo infierno ha de haber un lugar para todas las dejadas.
Como si eso fuera ser hombre. Esa es la enfermedad de los mexicanos: creer que son muy charros porque se nos montan encima. Y se equivocan porque no todas somos sus yeguas mansas" Y si no que lo diga Pedro Frecuentemente Jesusa alude al comportamiento masculino que tuvo desde su infancia hasta su edad adulta. Antes las monjas eran sus queridas. Ahora ya no dejan que haiga monjas revueltas con curas [.
Son muy latosos y muy malas gentes. Su habla simboliza el modo de ser de un "nosotros", distinto del de "ellos". Notas 1. The antiheroine's Yoice. Narrative Discourse and Transformations ofthe Picaresque. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, Giles, Howard y Nikolas Coupland. Language contexts and consequences.
California: Brooks-Cole Publishing Company, Lou Charnon-Deutsch, editora. Madrid: Castalia, Hancock, Joel. Revista Iberoamericana 51 : New York: Peter Lang, Meyer, Lorenzo. Milroy, Lesley. Language and Social Networks. Oxford: Blackwell, Parodi, Claudia. Homenaje a Elena Poniatowska. Elena Urrutia, editora. Poniatowska, Elena. Poot Herrera, Sara. Si cuento lejos de ti. Santa Ana, Otto y Claudia Parodi. Diccionario de Mejicanismos. Schneider, Edgar.
Language 79 : Ingenio y figura de Elena Poniatowska. Trudgil, Peter. Sociolinguistics: An introduction to language and society. London: Penguin Books, CHE: Chicano? What is a Chicano? CHUY: I don't know! Trinh T.
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As defined by Brecht, it is fundamentally "the mimetic and gestural expression of the social relationships prevailing between people of a given period" Elin Diamond explains that every ele- ment in the mise-en-scene in the gestic instant contributes to the gest's significance. She therefore describes a gest as "a moment in performance that makes visible the contradic- tory interactions of text, theater apparatus, and contemporary social struggle" After a few opening shots of the Los Angeles River and some of the bridges that span it, the audience of My Family is taken to a humble home in East Los Angeles.
Inside, Paco the narrator, played by Edward James Olmos is work- ing on an old mechanical typewriter. When the archaic machine jams, he gets up and heads outside. At this point, the most revealing social gest of the film occurs. Paco steps onto the front porch of his East Los Angeles abode, crosses his arms, and looks out and up at downtown Los Angeles. Nava thereby represents metonymically through Paco the marginal- ized and disempowered condition of Mexican Americans in the United States.
When Paco takes up his outside position and proceeds to tell his family's story, he defiantly asserts and embraces Mexican American outsider identity. His crossed arms and stern facial expression convey at once a sense of dignity and autonomy while his demeanor betrays indif- ference to his marginalized social and politicai standing. Indeed, his air of dignity and autonomy seem to stem from his marginalized status. Since Nava directed and co-wrote My Family, one may follow Diamond's lead and read the film as the filmmaker's response to his own social and creative context.
By "social and creative context," I mean the racial politics in U. As I will explain in the course of this essay, the overall matrix within which My Family was produced can be seen as inflecting the film's final look. Thus, as much as the film stands as an artistic inter- vention into mids understandings of Mexican American identity, it also contains clues about some of the challenges that tripped up Nava, an "ethnic" filmmaker, as he crafted this "ethnic" feature film.
Given the growing rate of Mexican Americans' assimilation, Nava's recapitulation in of Chicano nationalist formulations of Mexican American identity constitutes a very timely gesture. Unfortunately, as occurs in some Chicano nationalist discourse, My Family defines and delimits Mexican American identity in disturb- ingly narrow and outdated ways.
Consequently, the recuperation of Mexican Americans' citizenship and membership in the American national community that the film otherwise accomplishes — and which in was sorely needed — is completely undermined. Although I deliver this criticism of the film to highlight the necessity for more diverse imaging of Mexican American identity in film, I believe we must consider, too, how a flawed film such as My Family is a product of a misguided but perhaps well-intentioned "ethnic" filmmaker con- tending with an array of challenges within the U.
The Chicano cultural nationalist work that emerged during this period overwhelmingly espoused self-determination by privileging non- assimilation and the uniqueness of Chicano history, experience, and identity. Told from the perspective of a Mexican youth in an American History class, the poem ends: It sounded like he said, George Washington's my father.
I'm reluctant to believe it, I suddenly raise my mano. If George Washington's my father, Why wasn't he Chicano?
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As occurs repeat- edly in Chicano Hterature, Ohvas figures school as an institution that threatens to indoctrinate Chicano students with white American ideology. In response to such erasure, early Chicano cuhural nationahsm represented Chicano identity as unique due to the Chicano's distinct yet suppressed history. As Rosa Linda Fregoso explains, Chicano nationahsts felt that "[t]he constitution of the Chicano subject necessitated the unearthing of repressed histories [and] the re-discovery of a lost genealogy" A pre-Columbian mythic past "served as a crucial master narrative for the [Chicano] Movement" List 6 and functioned as the touchstone for resistant articulations and understandings of Chicano identity.
Past- ness is a mode by which persons are persuaded to act in the present in ways they might not otherwise act. Pastness is a tool persons use against each other.
Pastness is a central ele- ment in the sociaHzation of individuais, in the maintenance of group solidarity, in the establishment of or challenge to social legitimation. Pastness therefore is preeminently a moral phenomenon, therefore a politicai phenomenon, always a contemporary phenomenon. Ergo, the content of pastness necessarily constantly changes" With these statements in mind, the central importance of the past in Chicano nationalism appears to be a response to Chicanos' politicai and moral situation at a particular socio-historical moment.
FoUowing the lead of Balibar and Wallerstein, one may ask, if not for experiences with socio-political disempowerment and the evisceration of the respectability of their eth- nic identity, would Chicano cultural workers in the s and s still have invoked Chicanos' Mexican past in the same way? The "rediscovery" of Chicanos' mythic origins thus appears to be fundamentally a self-conscious, strategic positioning or re-position- ing of their present selves in relation to the past.
Such maneuvering resembles Stuart Hall's idea that the ways "[we] position ourselves within narratives of the past" Hall are variables in formulations of ethnic identity. Utilizing Hall's understanding of ethnic identity as "not an essence, but a positioning" , Chicano nationalists' asser- tions of ties to an ancient past and a mythical homeland emerge as not "the rediscovery but the production of identity" Hall The connection of Chicanos to a mythic past enabled a sense of an "operational identity of personal dignity" which, Eugene Garcia has noted, was needed "to serve as a rallying point" within the Chi- cano community Garcia qtd.
Ultimately, through the integration of a mythic Mexican past into the re formulation of Chicano identity, Chicano identity was recovered from abject other- ness and re-presented as a proud, autonomous identity. Amidst Mexican Americans' ongoing experiences with socialization into mainstream American society, the representation of the first generation of a Mexican American family reminds audiences of Mexican Americans' "Mexicanness. Although the buho lets the baby survive the ordeal, it foUows him to the United States where it takes him at a later date.
Interestingly, at the end of the film, the buho is seen still looking down on the barrio. Complementing this aspect of the film is the Aztec music that plays throughout the film. In the liner notes to the soundtrack. Nava explains that he uses this music to "transport us to an ancient past that still resonates today. Nava effectively draws a line from the Aztecs to present day Mexican Americans, figuring the latter as the direct descendants of the former and thus as the survivors of Aztec culture. He assumes that Aztec culture and history should figure into any comprehensive understanding of Mexican American identity.
With the work of Balibar, Wallerstein, and Hall in mind, though, Nava's insistence on the connection between the Aztecs and Mexican Americans in really constitutes a careful construction of Mexican American identity. The film's East Los Angeles setting furthers its nationalistic theme of autonomous Mexican American identity. As evidence of this, one only has to consider how to be "Born in East L. Hand in hand with the assumed geographic and demographic exclusivity of East Los Angeles is the popular understanding of its cultural autonomy.
Because of East Los Angeles' status as a Mexican American enclave, the barrio appears to be a space that, culturally, keeps to itself and regulates itself. Of course, East Los Angeles has historically existed in the popular imagination as an economically, socially, and morally impoverished space. Suzanne Oboler says that stereotypes figure Mexican Americans "as 'low-income people' who confront 'unusual poverty and unem- ployment'" Oboler At the same time, the Mexican American population is "perceived as welfare-ridden, drug-ridden, dropout- ridden, land] teen-age-pregnancy-ridden" Oboler Due largely to sensationalist media representations, the East Los Angeles space has come to be envisioned as the site where such Mexican American depravity is most concentrated.
Nava presents it as a positive site of cultural autonomy. Whereas East Los Angeles' counterculturality and isolation have been traditionally imag- ined in luridly destructive terms, Nava teases out this counterculturality and isolation to affirm Mexican American difference and thereby affirm the dignified singularity of this identity.
Over the course of the film, East L. In the s and s, the Chicano was seen as occupying a unique subject position that was privileged as the position from which alternative and authen- tic discourses of Chicano experience could be generated to counter the distortions produced by dominant systems of representation.
Requiring problematization, though, is the uncritical authority often given to the subject who speaks from a presumably unique place. Most commonly, Chicano identity was arrived at through a process of negation, for cultural workers figured Chicano identity as not-Anglo Huerta The description of Chicano identity against Anglo identity demonstrates not only the problematic essentialization of both identities, but also the difficulty of setting down an exact definition of Chicano identity.
Because "opin- ions about what constituted a 'real Chicano' varied" Huerta 48 , ali that could really be done was to define it as not-Anglo. As it emerges in My Family. While the differentiation of Mexican Americans from white Americans occurs in My Family through the geographic separation of the two groups, it is also portrayed through awkward interac- tions between them.
Basically, Nava introduces whites into the film and barrio to throw into relief Mexican American difference. In the scene, the whites are distinguished by their Merecedes Benz car, their nice suits and dresses, and their rough, silly pronunciations of words such as "taquitos. Taquitos, for instance, are common food fare for Mexican Americans. On top of ali this, rambunctious Mexican American children Carlitos run around half-naked in Aztec costumes. Thus, through a series of attributes represented as particular to whites on one side and another series figured as particular to Mexicans on the other, fundamental difference gets depicted.
The extent of this differ- ence emerges when Karen's family finally gets up to leave as they — and we — realize that the two families are totally unrelatable. In this scene of fundamental difference, an important element of dignity is latent. Rather, there is a demonstration of Richard King's statement that "Self-respect is A problem, however, is the accuracy or result of such differentiation. In effect, the implication arises that to be able to relate to whites compromises one's authenticity as a Mexican American. The portrayal of Memo shows starkly the problems inherent in Chicano nationalist constructions of Chicano identity.
Memo, the youngest son, turns out to be a successful lawyer who has graduated froni UCLA that university on "the pinche ["fucking"l west side," as Paco derisively calis it. He did enough homework for the whole family. Rather, he just seems to be a smart Mexican kid who does a lot of homework. But by the time he is a lawyer, Nava casts him as "the son who is farthest from the family Memo's self-identification as "Bill" in the presence of Karen's family along with his shame over his Mexican family's dysfunction additionally position him as a cultural defector.
Tve always lived here in Los Angeles like yourselves. According to the film's draconian criteria for ethnic authenticity, all that remains is for him to consummate his cultural "betrayal" with his marriage to a white woman. Jorge Huerta's description of the vendido character in early Chi- cano theatre is fully applicable to the representation of Memo: The Chicano who attempted to be what he was not had always been the subject of satire in the barrio, and early twentieth-century performing troupes had presented sketches about these people who attempted to "pass.
No matter how emphatic the assertion, the ven- dido would never be accepted as "white. The criticai portrayal of Memo's assimilation has the same effect. The obvious problem with the vendido tradition that carries over into the portrayal of Memo is the truncation of Mexican American identity that it performs. With his handling of Memo, Nava makes no offer to "strike a balance between affirming and maintaining [Mexican American] identity and participating in a larger dominant culture" Goldman Instead, the prejudicial equation of Mexican American social and economic success with cultural abandonment suggests, disadvantageously, that cultural integrity requires that a Mexican American keep to certain social and economic places.
Yet as Renato Rosaldo has pointed out, "Surely economic misery is not the only path to cultural vitality" Rosaldo Lowe says that Asian Americans' difference from "the cultural, racial, and linguistic forms of the nation. Marrying understandings of Asian Americans' cultural and immigration "alienness," Lowe continues by saying that Asian American subjects have "a histori- cally 'alien-nated' relationship to the category of citizenship" Lowe XXXIII 79 of the film's effort to "establish the identity and presence of Mexican Americans as a distinct group in the 'national community'" Oboler El Californio serves as a pointed reminder that the U.
According to Paco, "They called him El Californio because he wasn't from anywhere else. In addition, it replies to the construction of people of Mexican descent as illegal immigrants by foregrounding the fact that they are actually "more native" or more legitimately present in the U. Mak- ing visible a suppressed history lesson, Paco narrares that during the Depression, "The politicians got it into their heads that the Mexicanos were taking up all the jobs.
It didn't matter if you were a citizen. If you looked Mexican, you were picked up and shipped out Moreover, the benevolence of the U. To save Isabel an undocumented resident from El Salvador from deporta- tion and, therefore, certain death her father was a union organizer , Toni arranges for Jimmy to marry Isabel. Apparently, he is sensi- tive to the INS perspective in which ali Latinos are "illegal aliens," and he feels himself to be as much a non-citizen as an undocumented immi- grant might.
In this scene, an African American man represents and embodies institutionalized American nativism. Consequently, they have been denied the "abstract" citizenship white males enjoy. In this situation, white nativist notions of citizenship fali apart via the contradiction of the visual underpinnings of these notions. Now who is the "American"? Who is the citizen? Is one more a citizen than the other?
Through these questions, and thus the scene, Nava successfuUy corners white nativism and forces a breakdown of white nativist logic. This results in the rupture of the categories of citizen and native, espe- cially as visually determined categories. The marriage of Jimmy to Isabel reiterares Mexican American citi- zenship and is thus supposed to challenge the imagination of Mexican Americans as non-Americans or non-citizens.
While Isabel is at the mercy of residency laws, Jimmy can decide to wield his citizenship and marry her so she can stay in the country. Of course, the citizen privilege that Nava puts on display here is that which many U. As occurs via the marriages of U. In fact, one of the glaring problems with the film is that it recreares the male-centeredness that, as Fregoso points out, plagued the early Chicano cultural nationalist movement Fregoso 6. Incidentally, ali three of these figures reappear in My Family with Chucho as the pachuco, Jimmy as the pinto, and Carlitos as the Aztec warrior.
As Carmen Huaco-Nuzman observes in her review of the film, Mexican American female identity and sub- jectivity get lost as these masculine roles are again brought to the fore Huaco-Nuzman Furthering the masculinization of Mexi- can American identity in the film is the way in which Jimmy exercises and embodies Mexican American citizenship. She first is the archetypal virgen when, to the dismay of the lusting men around her, she decides to become a nun.
Shortly afterward, she fulfills the other role traditionally reserved for women, the puta "whore". Toni's fali from virginidad occurs when she leaves her order to marry a white priest. As a flash- back of hers, we actually see her and David making love somewhere in a field in Central America. Although Huaco-Nuzman dismisses the sex scene as mere titillation for male spectatorship Huaco-Nuzum , I think that it primarily functions just as much at the expense of Toni's character development and respectability as a recreation of the despised by Chicano nationalist discourses La Chingada primal scene.
When Toni is on her back apparently enjoying sex with a white man, she not only forsakes her moral commitment to the church and to codes of decency for female especially Latina sexuality, she also implicitly betrays her commitment to la raza. She becomes the mythical La Malinche, signifier of betrayal. Her sexual union with the white conqueror made possible the defeat of a people and the destruction of their culture. At no point does she express shame or denial of her Mexican ethnicity. Paco always wears guay- aberas, and from what we can see of the interior of his house which is in East L.
His status as a Chicano cultural worker implies that, if anyone, he exemplifies raza authenticity. As a result, the signifiers of his Mexicanness emerge as privileged. Nava's strict circumscription of Mexican American identity and his myopic insistence on the restriction of it to marginalized places are counterproductive. The proud affirmation of difference in My Family depends on social and cultural separation to the point of complic- ity with the social, politicai, and economic containment of Mexican Americans.
This problem is set in motion by Paco taking up the out- side position at the beginning of the film, and it is then extended in the course of the film through the overvalorization of this outsider position. The shortcomings of the film are especially visible at the end of the film with the final camera move from the barrio to down- town Los Angeles. As the camera tracks back to show the barrio and downtown next to each other, the barrio is noticeably dwarfed by the cityscape. In this image, the concrete structures of dominant society tower over the barrio and east a shadow over it.
In turn, the unequal relationship between the two spaces is the dominant impres- sion. Nava probably wanted to put the barrio and cityscape together for the sake of showing the barrio's coexistence in the United States community and thereby represent Mexican Americans' membership in the American national community.
On the subject of the filmic representation of ethnic identity, Fregoso says: Given that cultural identities are not handed down as essences, the task remains for an identity politics able to re-construct subjectivities in ways that empower people as Creative subjects of history.
Cinematic representations play a formidable role in such a project, for cultural identity is not an "already accompUshed fact" but a "production which is never complete.
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The fact that citizenship is "a site of contradiction for racialized Americans" Lowe 24 means that is also potentially but not automatically the site from which "new forms of subjectivity and new ways of questioning the government of human life by the national state" Lowe 29 can rise. How to capitalize on this potential of cinema is a vexing question, especially given the quotation from Trinh that serves as an epigram for this essay.
While John Lilis indicates that "Cinematic capital is turned over, tickets are sold, on the expectation of pleasure" Lilis 26 , Trinh's statement prompts us to realize that the pressure that ethnic features face to turn over capital means that these features cannot really "go so far as to question the foundation of [their benefactors' and bene- factresses'] beings and makings. When asked about the potential of My Family to "teach Chicano audiences about their own history," Nava responds, I see My Family as a film to entertain people, not to teach them.
I think that films need to entertain us, and I mean entertain in the broadest sense of the word, which is par- tially to enlighten us about who we are. So it is designed to be inspirational to people but it is also designed to give people a good night out at the movies. It makes you laugh, it makes you cry, it makes you feel dignity or pride, if you're a Chicano, to be a Chicano. Although in this essay I have been pointedly criticai of My Family as weli, I think Nava's comments in Cineaste reveai the bind he and other fiirmnakers are in. In order to receive funding and have a chance of having a suc- cessful picture, filmmakers have to commit to an ethos of entertainment, Confrontationai poiitics are anathema in Hollywood.
Curiousiy, Nava structures his film around some of the key tropes of the Chicano Move- ment, and one would think that this would render it "confrontationai. By , twenty years after the high point of El Movimiento and militant Chicano poiitics, Chicana feminist criticism along with recent interest in the deconstruction or "postmodernization" of Chicano identity had rendered these tropes politically incorrect and obsolete.
Incidentally, his own film, with its contained, if not regressive, rep- resentation of Chicano identity, fails to provide a new image of Chicano identity. In fact, his film demonstrares exactly the need for "more new kinds of IChicano] images and films to be made. For this reason, there is an ironic truth to Jimmy Smits' assertion in an essay that he wrote for Entertainment Weekly that "My Family is just the tip of the iceberg of Latino stories we have to tell" Smits Notes 1.
Culture Clash, "A Bowl of Beings" , Minh-ha T. This is why the reference to "East L. Chon Noriega indicates that Hollywood fuels such fantasies by conventionally representing East L. An indication of the kind of authority and authenticity accorded to raza spokespeople lies in movie critic Liza Schwarzhaum's declaration that she prefers My Family over The Perez Family which is about a Cuban family yet does not feature any Cubans in any of the starring roles.
Such a collapsing of mimesis and reality throws into relief the stakes involved in the filmic representation of ethnic identity. In , Voice of Citizens Together today known as American Patrol was perhaps the most visible and active white nativist group in the United States. For a sense of their thinking and a history of their activity, visit www. The representation in Chicano films such as Bom in East L. In Bom in East L. In apparent reference to La Malinche, the term "malinchista" today denotes a cultural traitor.
The divergent fates of the contemporaneous films Bom in East L. Perhaps Marin's film was successful because its politics were somewhat occluded and its edge softened by its comedie content. On the other hand, Break ofDawn is a hard-hitting drama that is very forthright and confrontational in its politics. San Francisco: Aunt Lute, Balibar, Etienne and Immanuel Wallerstein. Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities. New York: Verso, Hortense J. New York: Routledge, Bom in East L. Cheech Marin. Universal, Break of Dawn. Isaac Artenstein.
CineWest Productions, Brecht, Bertolt. Michael Huxley and Noel Witts. Broyles-Gonzalez, Yolanda. Austin: U of Texas P, Culture Clash. New York: Theatre Communications Group, Cunneen, Joseph. Diamond, Elin. Ellis, John. Boston: Routledge, Fordhaim, Signithia and John U. Fregoso, Rosa Linda. MinneapoUs: U of Minnesota P, Goldman, llene S. Chon A. Noriega and Ana M. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, Paul: Graywolf P, Hall, Stuart. Jonathan Rutherford. London: Lawrence and Wishart, Huaco-Nuzman, Carmen. Huerta, Jorge. Chicano Theater: Themes and Forms.
Ypsilanti: Bilingual P, Civil Rights and the Idea of Freedom. New York: Oxford UP, List, Christine. New York: Garland, Los Tigres dei Norte. Fonovisa, Durham: DukeUP, The Last Generation. Boston: South End P, Motley Crue. Hip-O Records, Moy, James S. Marginal Sights: Staging the Chinese in America. Gregory Nava. New Lina Productions, Nava, Gregory.
Liner notes. EastWest Records America, Noriega, Chon A. Oboler, Suzanne. Olivas, Richard. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, Omi, Michael. Paz, Octavio. Lysander Kemp. New York: Grove P, New York: Cambridge UP, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, Rosaldo, Renato. Juan R. Houston: Mexican American Studies, Entertainment Weekly 19 May Smits, Jimmy.
Trinh, Minh-ha T. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP, West, Dennis. Yarbro-Bejarano, Yvonne. Sue-Ellen Case. Balti- more: Johns Hopkins UP, Nosotros, los lectores y lectoras de ahora, podemos responder siem- pre con una burlona sonrisa. Pero no es menos verdadero que, por lo general, los realistas prefirieron retratar sus propias tierras, en vez del infinito y desamparado cielo castellano.
Los grandes hechos son una cosa y los menudos hechos son otra. Se historian los primeros. Y los segundos forman la sutil trama de la vida cotidiana. Al menos, la historia se ha encargado de silenciarlas. XXXIII 97 cosmopolitan and abstract, subjectivized knowledge and eschewed the realism and domesticity often associated with women" 1.
Lillian S. Weininger se suma a esa misoginia uni- versal, cuando sostiene que muchos de los publicistas y pintores finiseculares se pueden considerar como eminentemente femeninos por la facilidad con que se dejan arrastrar por reminiscencias puramente sentimentales, por la renuncia a la conceptuali- dad y por un oscilar continuo sin llegar a profundizar en nada. El pensamiento masculino difiere fundamentalmente del femenino por la necesidad de formas precisas, y el arte a base de sentimientos tiene que ser necesariamente un arte sin forma.
Construye el hombre con vigor sonetos o catedrales. No olvidemos que otra de sus novelas. Por eso son tan reaccionarias y conservadoras. Su ideal es hacer un nido, y para eso se necesita una rama firme. Prefieren con mucho la rutina. XXXIII sobra; pero le faltaba el atractivo principal de una mucha- cha: la ingenuidad, la frescura, la candidez.
Era un producto marchito por el trabajo, por la miseria y por la inteligencia. La natu- raleza recobraba sus derechos. XXXIH veneno. Porque las figuras masculinas, incluso esos personajes impresionis- tas y mal trazados que pueblan los mundos novelescos de Batoja, conservan, a pesar de todo, la flexibilidad y se dejan moldear por la existencia. El instinto maternal posee un funesto poder nivelador, que sacrifica sin piedad la complejidad narrativa del personaje. La historia del pensamiento noventaiochista es la historia tortuosa de una profunda crisis de identidad.
International Conference on the Centennial of Obras citadas Alas, Leopoldo. La Regenta. Gonzalo Soberano. Alter, Robert. Partial Magic. The Novel as Self-Conscious Genre. Londres, Bordonada, Angela, ed. Madrid: Editorial Castalia, Modernismo frente a Noventa y Ocho. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, Johnson, Roberta. Gender and Nation in the Spanish Modernist Novel. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, XXXIIl Lyotard, Jean Francois. La condition postmoderne: rapport sur le savoir.
Mauriac, Francois. Michon, Pierre. Paris: Gallimard, O'Connor, Patricia W. Boston: Twayne Publishers, Madrid: Espasa, Barcelona: Anthropos, Contemporary Women Writers of Spain. Boston: Twayne Pub- lishers, Vida de Baroja. Ramsden, Herbert. Modernismo y Robinson, Lillian S. In Feminisms. An Anthology of Literary Theory and Criticism. Robyn R. Warhol y Diane Price Herndl.
New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, Amsterdam: Rodopi, Unamuno, Miguel de. En torno al casticismo. Madrid: Austral, Utilizan la literatura como arma social para delatar los males de la sociedad y al hombre de su tiempo Corbellini Roberto Arlt, novelista y dramaturgo, reacciona ante los cambios sociales participando activamente en ambos grupos literarios. Sus novelas como El juguete rabioso , Los siete locos , Los lanzallamas y El Amor Brujo se pueblan de personajes marginados y fracasados.
Lo mismo ocurre en su teatro, el cual estrena en con Saverio el cruel. El fabricante de fantasmas y La isla desierta. En la novela Los siete locos. Remo Erdosain, triste y agotado de su vida cotidiana, rompe con su mundo exterior para sumergirse en una interioridad que lo conduce a diferentes espacios, tiempos y per- sonajes, donde ejecuta una serie de performances.
Carlson 5. XXXIIl "propio espectador" Carlson Durante la novela recorremos la capital por sus varias calles y rincones. Todo aquel que se sienta frente a un escenario, espera ser entretenido por un acto que como indica Marvin Carlson, "is set apart from that everyday life" En su retrato de la ciudad utiliza los cuadros de Xul Solar para describir el tablado capitalino.
El escenario filtrado por los ojos de Erdosain toma el papel de un actor deforme, amenazante y monstruoso. Lo que a su vez, "involves behaving as if one is someone else or even one self in other states of feeling or being" Carlson Insatisfecho con la propuesta, Erdosain lamenta que "el plan fuera tan simple y poco novelesco" Este estado emocional lo deno- mina Erdosain como "zona de angustia" la cual se caracteriza como [