The structure and institutional nature of partisan systems contribute to the organization of political competition while the forms assumed by political life in representative democracies promote rational and bureaucratic party structures Gaxie, Political practices have been professionalized for the benefit of institutionalized partisan structures.
Political parties have succeeded in imposing themselves on at least two privileged arenas: the national Parliament and elections. They are also, in theory at least, and as final arbiters for the selection of political personnel, the principal means for channeling national elites. Two points are emphasized by these authors: first, the parties could not develop because of the authoritarian characteristic of the system: either because they were banned the cost of collective action is then exorbitant , or because they are diverted from their purpose.
Moreover, for a context in which dissension is risky, the majority program finds itself challenged by a call for unanimity. These approaches help to explain how partisan and political systems are narrowly interrelated. However, they are also tautological, even simplistic for some; if it can be shown that Western democracies and partisan politics are historically mixed, it remains difficult to make the case that they are necessarily and unequivocally related Manin, From this point of view, the undeniably partisan Arab life amply documents the modalities of a multi-party system which is both authoritative and limited Santucci, a.
Several authors particularly in a European context have described the emergence of the party system as a transition from a system of parliamentary dominance of party organizations to one in which party organizations dominate parliament Duverger, : an empowered civil society is perceived as a counterbalance to the power of the elites. Field observers however, frequently insist, not only on personalized political functionality, but on the weak linkages between political society and civil society. This, at least, is what several of the contributions to this volume highlight.
Groups have difficulty organizing mobilizations around social cleavages, and even more so, in gelling these cleavages in the words of S. Lipset and S. Rokkan , as indicated by M. Djaziri in his discussion of political parties in the Maghreb. The first gathers tribal elites, merchants, and religious people around a flexible and adaptable ideology.
Individual leaders and families; not political parties, eventually monopolize the levers of political mobilization and representation. It occurs for instance among Lebanese political parties, where transmission of partisan responsibility by blood ties and sometimes in the name of bloodshed is common. It is also observed in the tribal identification of certain parties. Recent studies show how individuals and the criteria of notability transform and embrace the changes of the partisan system Favier, Parties themselves create their own elites, who are more or less faithful depending on the case.
However, as pointed out by Kh. More than parties engaged in an electoral contest — many have distanced, even excluded themselves from electoral politics — they have all contributed to founding diverse activisms. To understand partisan transformations one must first understand how the development of political parties and their current metamorphosis are linked to the history of regional State formation.
At a comparative level, the concern of historical context allows us to explore recurring forms or innovative features in recent partisan formations. This is so much so that two historical narratives seem to combine, that of a short time frame of contemporary changes, sometimes attributed to a process of democratization or authoritarian reform, and that of a longer time frame allowed for the formation of political regimes, for the singularity of chosen trajectories, for the reinterpretation of primary social relations and modern political identities.
It is in the interlacing of this long history and this short history that the stakes of a metamorphosis of the Arab parties can be understood. The first wears the glasses of comparison with the international reformist agenda; while the second positions parties in their social, historical contexts, and even with respect to specific places. This new era for the parties with possibly new political spaces for action and legitimization falls at the intersection of three main processes: those of the internal dynamics of parties, those of the changing rules of partisanship, and finally those of international influences.
Charlot , p. In the case of Turkey, S. Vaner , p. Such is certainly less evident in the Arab world, at least in our fields of investigation. But, for lack of reliable and detailed data, it is not easy to show, beyond the conventional presentation of political parties. In addition to opacity or the withholding of information a favorite strategy for some organizations, access in the field is largely conditioned by the constraints of repressive regimes and the careful reflexes they can generate.
Proximity in the field or permission to investigate on the part of the organization is often necessary to maintain an extended presence. But this in turn can reduce the effective critical distancing necessary for analysis or even lead to different forms of censorship in the restitution of findings. We will merely point out here those that seem most interesting. In most cases, the number of militant activists has been decreasing even though, paradoxically, the pluralization of the political landscape gives them more leeway as public actors.
This translates not only as a high abstention rate, but as difficulty in recruiting candidates and reliance on untrained paid staff. As for partisan activism, it has become more professionalized, salaried even institutionalized. If in some cases this is evidence of a lack of mobilization benevolent activism would no longer be what it was in other cases, it is described by observers as well as by militant partisans, as the gage of superior political efficacy: such is the case of the PJD in Morocco, where local officials, and all partisan groups highlight their political virginity their recent entry into the political fray but also the professionalization of their elected activities to which they would devote themselves totally.
The institutionalization of managerial authority however, expressed for example in the organization of pointless and uncompetitive party congresses, is not always the rule. In generational terms, Arab parties management frequently recruited among militants of the s and 60s is today in need of renewal. For new parties, leadership is not always uniform.
Unlike the purges or exclusions of the Iraqi and Syrian Baathist parties, the link between the party and its elected officials is quite often fluid and negotiated. Candidate selection is variable and may just as well reflect bargaining or some form of negotiation between the national governing body and the local elite. Bennani-Chraibi, 20 on the political personnel of Moroccan parties, a necessary piece of scholarship unmatched on the scale of the region.
Combining a quantitative treatment of data describing activist career paths with qualitative analysis, the study will apply unpublished and detailed data to examine the process of diversification and political recruitment. In her contribution to this book, M. Bennani-Chraibi reveals how the Socialist Union of Popular Forces is changing its political leadership and how a party of militants has been transformed into a party of notables.
This is more often the case when membership conditions are blurred, informal or poorly defined, or hidden when a party is illegal, or when, as with the Lebanese Hizballah , and in earlier times, as with certain communist party organizations Kriegel, , p. Joining a party may include initiation, but in all cases it produces social and political identities.
The chapter of C. Le Thomas in this book demonstrates that the latter emerge in structures of socialization, of controlling or of training that are not strictly limited to narrowly defined party limits. This translates even within partisan structures, especially when weakly institutionalized, as a search for new resources, strategies, and leadership qualities. This is even more striking when, at the disappearance of a senior member, new leadership seeks to revive not only their social networks within and without the party, but also the charismatic dimension of their power.
As noted by E. Massicard , p. Their financial resources are little known. Emphasis is placed on collectively controlled resources, including the conquest or preservation of political posts, elective or administrative , the social rooting of associations and other structures which serve to advance recruitment and promote party loyalty, and ethnic as in Yemen or confessional communities as in Lebanon or Iraq. Such legislation cuts both ways, however. First, the legislation addresses a concern for transparency in the partisan world and its resources.
At the same time, such legislation operates like the sword of Damocles in the hands of public power, who see in this legislation new ways to legally interfere in the internal affairs of political parties, notably their challengers. As it happens, such changes have accelerated over the last decade. In other cases, the adoption of this new political framework relates more to the search for regulation of political conflicts arising over the issue of power and of the imagined political community.
Iraq since is the most striking example. Heurtaux with respect to Poland. Over the past decade our fields of research have indeed experienced the transformation of law governing political activities — electoral laws, laws on political parties, freedom of the press, public and associative liberties, etc.
The substantial character of this pluralism, however, is challenged by each of the chapters that follow. If Lebanese parliamentarians did not adopt a new law on political parties, the drafters of the constitutional reform which passed the Taif agreement affirmed the liberal orientation of the existing law. In the other cases, the most recent legislation liberalizes the space of partisan action, while retaining tight even arbitrary oversight by the central government.
This accompanies the remarkable growth in recognized political parties that we have already noted.
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This raises at least two questions: First, why do socialist parties have so much trouble advocating for social claims which arise in the wake of the neo-liberal steamroller? And secondly, has the development of Islamist parties been nurtured, at all or in part by the new populism and social consequences of precipitous economic reforms? In their collective work on political parties in conflict-prone societies, published by the United Nations, B. Reilly and P. Nordlund do not include any Arab parties, as if these were to be excluded from a collective reflection on the role of partisanship in the process of democratization, mediation of interests and the regulation of conflict.
They are formally subject to new game rules. Ideological orientations have become more accommodating of strategic considerations, including partisan formations who claim a distinctive ideological identity, notably Islamists. Partisan actors are more inclined to cultivate interdependent relations with regimes and central administrations, be it in terms of co-optation, prohibition, infiltration or distancing.
This is measured as much at the level of the militant base 23 as it is among political leaders themselves who change hats or create new parties at will, depending on circumstances and the ability of their own partisan formation to advance their individual careers. What follows is a blurring of labels that confuses even the militant base and reduces opportunities for recruitment.
In addition, the political parties generally do not to be key stakeholders in the political process, nor in policy making, especially because of the weakness and marginalization of parliamentary institutions. In other cases, associative and partisan structures compete so that human rights or civil liberties organizations assume the fight for political causes such as scheduling elections or the reform of political laws. Three entries allow us to discuss this:. At other times it is confused with other types of mobilization. In Morocco or in Algeria, parties led the movement for national liberation.
In other cases, parties played a secondary role behind personalities or political and community leaders. The national struggle, decolonization and construction of the nation state gave rise to different political and partisan situations. In other countries the multiparty system characterized from the outset the formation of a system of consociation, as in the case of Lebanon, or of a limited and feckless pluralism as in Morocco which is ruled by royal institution. In this way and by reading the long history we may distinguish the profoundly different experiences between parties with ideological, parliamentary or governmental heritage, and others that are recent creations and are only just learning the basics of power sharing.
A prior clandestine existence is also a discriminatory experience and has influenced the trajectory of many partisan formations. In particular, B. Now let us look at how such typologies are inoperative. Baduel attempted adaptation of S. Here again the criteria are questionable. Camau and V. Geisser show for example that the four cleavages of S.
Rokkan are not easily extensible to describe the Tunisian partisan landscape a finding that may be generalized to other countries in our study. El-Khazen , p. The first have been represented in parliament and government since , the second have no representation in political power and banned parties are systematically tracked, directly or indirectly by government authorities.
I suggested that the German flag be withdrawn. Up to date I have not received any answer. I would also like that history programs of French schools be reviewed to introduce more objectivity into the narrative of the History of the Second World War by a clear description of the negative part of France in this period regarding its domestic policy as well as the related negative military consequences in the extension of the global conflict duration. It should be noted that Germany made a strong effort in the narrative of the conflict which has had a virtuous effect on the new generation.
Please accept, Mr. President, the expression of my respectful consideration. Transmission by urgent email dated of May 29, The cold war is over and with it the incentive to make in Europe a distorted narrative of the Second World War motivated by anticommunism; it is therefore time for objectiveness and realism.
I had presented my arguments to President Hollande regarding the debt of gratitude of Europe towards the immense sacrifice of the peoples of the USSR and its key and leading role in the Victory against Nazism. This might had in my opinion some influence regarding the invitation of President Putin for the first time during in Normandy at the commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Overlord operation. The opinion that one can have on the action of the Russian Federation in particular in Ukraine must not lead to forget this immense sacrifice of the peoples of the USSR during the Second World War.
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The averaged estimations of civilian and military casualties in the USSR amounts to about 25 million victims in comparison of less than one million mainly military for Anglo-Saxon allies United States, Canada, United Kingdom and Australia. I will not comment on the imbroglio at the origin of President Putin's regrettable absence for the 75th anniversary of Overlord operation.
I congratulate the team of the Memorial of Caen for having released it from the sole consecration to the Normandy Battle by widening its scope to the whole conflict. Without going into details, the gradual crushing of German troops was among others the result of huge tank battles in the eastern front USSR was at that time the world's largest producer of tanks. In comparison the Overlord operation came very late when Germany may only lose the war and was finally slow. At the same time the Russian forces were in strong progression towards the West and a very large part of the German forces was annihilated.
In addition we should not forget that the collaboration of France with Germany had in fact allowed the Germans to concentrate more forces in the eastern front. Unless I am mistaken, I did not see in the Memorial the flag of the Russian Federation main ally whose absence would be an insult to the memory of the 25 million victims of the USSR who had fallen for the liberation of the Europe from Fascism and Nazism. If so, it should be rectified immediately.
Besides, I am shocked to see the German flag flying among those of the allies even if it no longer bears the swastika.
Nazism was brought to power by the Germans and their flag has nothing to do in this place of memory and respect, although it is legitimate in any places in relation to the European Union. I am waiting, gentlemen, for your reply as soon as possible and please accept my best regards.
Critical analysis of Emmanuel Macron's press conference. Elections of 9 April in Israel. The English version follows the French version. Article paru dans le Times of Israel. Influence of the Israeli electoral system on social policy and the basic principles of Zionism. Elections of 9 April Article published in French in The Times of Israel. French version followed by English version.
English version follows the French version. Reminder of the international dimension of Marshal Petain's crimes. The proliferation of individual Islamist attacks:. Increased insecurity and inadequate government policy in France. Voir l'article dans la section anti-racisme.
How racist criteria applied with so-called good intentions necessarily lead to a racist policy. Voir la lettre dans la section Gouvernement Macron. Electronic transmission. See the letter in the section: Macron's Governement. English version. Origin and various forms of anti-Semitism,. Are there any means to contend this phenomenon? The Anti-Semitism is built of several accumulated strata.
El origen de la judeofobia y sus diversas formas,. The imperative need for Israelis to renovate their political system to improve their life. Didier Bertin — 25 January Didier Bertin - 25 de enero de The role of serendipity in French politics. Historical perception of recent events that have challenged the democratic process. See the article in the section geopolitics and economics.
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English version follows. Didier Bertin — 31 mai Didier Bertin - May 30, See english version after the French version. Adequacy and inadequacy of Israel's policy towards the duty of maintaining a Jewish homeland. French followed by English and spanish versions.
HUMAN RIGHTS - WELFARE - , PLANET - DROITS DE L'HOMME, POLITIQUE SOCIALE, ANTISEMITISME, ISRAEL
The world threatens the existence of Judaism. We refer below to England, which is the main actor of Brexit that will damage the whole UK. Fundamental changes in Anti-Semitism and Israel. Left and Right wings in France. At the same time, the sexual politics dimension of Islamic fundamentalism has no doubt been and continues to be underestimated.
Political ambitions are often intertwined with cultural preferences; and the difference between sexually egalitarian societies and sexually discriminative and segregated societies is one of the most striking cultural differences observable today. Thus it appears that the value of pluralism which is related to but goes beyond tolerance introduces a fracture within the coalition that some of the left see as the securing the electoral future of the French Socialist party.
Christiane Gruber 09 Jan. Indeed, it has provoked much opposition within the center-left in particular, which has leveled against its proponents the charge of working-class abandonment. The working-class abandonment thesis dovetails with the idea that the interests of the working class have evolved, becoming more complex as a result of globalization, and that the socialists in particular have not taken those transformations sufficiently into account.
The salience of the globalization factor has of course been amply observed and analyzed within the political science literature, for example by Hanspeter Kriesi et al. But embedding integration-demarcation into the traditional cleavages upsets and transforms the traditional left-right divide: left-wing, progressive pro-staters are divided among anti-globalization protectionists and pro- integrationists; right-wing cultural conservatives are divided among neoliberal pro-integrationists and nationalist cultural protectionists.
Laurent Baumel et al. Rydgren ed. Emmenegger, S. Palier, and M. Seeleib-Kaiser eds. But within the more radical left wing of the Socialist party, the discourse is very far-removed from security, identity and authority. In this ideal, the state would be the guarantor of respect, care and support.
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To conclude, one might venture to say that, of the different discourses available to it today, it seems probable that the mainstream left will opt for one that is capable of rivalling with the right on the issues that have, tragically, been shown to be the most pressing: security, order, authority. But the fundamental challenge of building not only a coherent electoral coalition on the left, but also a coherent ideological platform — concerned with protecting individual liberties and pluralism, promoting social justice and gender equality, and adopting progressive societal and environmental reforms —, remains to be met.
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