Babbi, Milan, FrancoAngeli, All references to this edition, hereafter referred to as B , will be made in the body of the text. Translated from the French and Printed by William Caxton , ed. For studies of this translation, see W. Benson and J. Leyerle, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, , p. Harwood and G. Overing, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, , p. Szkilnik, review of Brown-Grant, op.
Rigby for his comments on successive drafts of this article. Vuagnoux-Uhlig, Le Coup Leach, Early En Haut de page. The Wavrin Master as illuminator of Burgundian prose romances. Suivez-nous Flux RSS. Miss Harrsen's suggestion seems highly probable but does nothing to resolve the question of identification.
We know of three of Laurette's sisters who took the veil. Gertrude, on separating from her husband Hugues d'Oisy 4, entered the convent of Messines between and when Agnes was abbess 5 and therefore, as will be shown below, after the first book of the Psalter commentary was written. Isabelle or Elizabeth became the seventh abbess of Messines between and 1 6. It is possible that she had taken the veil at the time that the initiator of the French commentary was writing but proof is not available.
Finalty there is a third sister, about whom nothing is known except that she entered the monastery of Fontevrault 7. The mother of Laurette was a certain Suanehilde about whom nothing is known ; see L. Harrsen refers to her as Swanehilde de Clermont died 1 , without disclosing her source of information. Liebman, , p. See the typescript description of MS. Morgan , p. See L. Vanderkindere, La Chronique See J. Diegerick , Inventaire analytique et chronologique des Chartes et Documents appartenant aux archives de l'ancienne abbaye de Messines, Bruges, , p.
Vanderkindere, op. Could ' faidive voster seror ' and this third person be one and the same?
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This can only be a matter for conjecture. The last precise reference to Laurette in the first book of the commentary occurs on folio i5iv where the author asks her why she should care about Namur, Muntdisdier and Alost now that she has found the true riches of the religious life :. Certes reguardez a la seinte crois. La vos afermet. Voirement estes vos escapee a la povretet si estes as droites richoises venue. Vos que calt de Namur, vos que calt de Muntdisdier ne d'Alost?
Penses al centuplum, a la grande richoise see A study, p. Alost is Iwan of Alost whom Laurette married in 2. Then, in , after the death of his wife Petronella, she married Ralph, Count of Vermandois and Montdidier. Ralph died in the same year and Laurette was free to marry, sometime between and 1 3, Henry the Blind of Namur 4. It is not certain whether the Count of Namur referred to in the French commentary is Henry the Blind 5. It is in g that she is first mentioned as Countess ; see C.
Lieb- man, , p. See F. A fourth husband, Henry of Limbourg, is not mentioned in Morgan See P. Si cum li Quens de Namur abati Wesz. These precise biographical details help us to propose a rough date for the first book of the Psalter commentary. It is evident from the description of Laurette, Sibylla and ' faidive voster seror ' as having traded worldly riches for the poverty of the religious life, that the author is addressing a nun.
In Laurette is still referred to as the Countess of Namur in an act of that year by which Henry the Blind gave to the abbey of St. Hubert a quarter of his fief at Herlinval and freed the abbey from all its dues to him x. It is only in that Godfrey, Duke and Marquis of Lotharingia, informs us that she has entered the convent of Forest-lez-Bruxelles 2. Between these two dates we can find no precise reference to enable us to say when she did in fact retire to Forest. The excommunication served on her by the bishop of Cambrai has not been put into effect since the Countess has been continually changing residence and avoiding her pursuers.
Therefore Henry of Namur has sought the help of the Pope who beseeches the Archbishop to inquire into the case, hear Laurette' s cause but excommunicate her unless she returns to Henry. The reasons for Laurette's defection are unknown but since, in 1 , Henry the Blind was free to marry Agnes de Gueldre, his marriage to Laurette must have been annulled in the ecclesiastical courts 4.
Moreover, in June of , only two months after Alexander Ill's letter, Henry ceded Hainaut to his brother-in- law, and to his sister Alice and her eldest son Baldwin the property of his fiefs 6. It is very probable, therefore, that Laurette soon found a sympathetic ear in the Archishop of Rheims, that the marriage was dissolved as early as and that Laurette.
See G. Kurth, Chartes de l'abbaye de St. II, , col. Rousseau, Henri l'Aveugle, op. The French commentary could have been begun for her at any time after the middle of Internal evidence from the commentary helps us to propose a more precise date. It must have been started before , the year of Thierry d' Alsace's death, since, as we saw on page , the author speaks of appearing before Thierry and conveying his daughter's greetings. It is also noticeable that on folio i62v the author comments :. The present tense form tienent would seem to indicate that Sibylla of Anjou was still alive at the time when this passage was written.
We know that she entered the convent of Saint Lazarus of Jerusalem and died there in x so that this part of the commentary was composed at the latest in It could be objected that tienent has no precise time reference and that opinions on the wisdom of Sibylla's decision to take the veil could still be held after her death. Fortunately, a further piece of internal evidence helps to narrow down the chronological limits during which the French Psalter commentary was initiated.
In a passage on folio i45r which is supri singly outspoken, the author asks :. Mais u est li rois, u est le lois, u est li prestre, u est la justice? Tot perdut, tot perdut. Que funt li doi diable ki tencent por Rome? Infatuatum est cor eorum. En folie est turnez lor savoirs see A study, It is obvious that our author alludes here to the contest between Empire and Papacy that developed with the death of Nicholas Breakspeare 2.
See The Cambridge Medieval History, vol. Therefore the doi diable mentioned by our author might be any of the following combinations : Victor and Alexander, Victor and Frederick, Alexander and Paschal or Paschal and Frederick. However, the assembly alluded to in the passage can only be the attempt at a settlement on the 29th of August, It was agreed that both sovereigns should bring their papal champions and that if one of them was not present at the appointed time, then the other would be proclaimed Pope forthwith.
Louis did finally appear but, seeing that Frederick was not present, took his leave in turn. Thus the whole affair was a diplomatic fiasco. It is surely this inconclusive incident which explains our author's irritation. The fact that the doi diable are intimately connected with the meeting at St-Jean-de-Losnes means that the passage as a whole could not refer to the ensuing struggle between Frederick and Alexander which lasted until The commentary on the first fifty psalms was written, therefore, sometime after August and before the death of Victor IV in April 1.
But we have pointed out above that Laurette's marriage was probably annulled just before June of and that it was at this date that she retired to Forest-lez-Bruxelles. Therefore, it is fairly certain that the commentary was begun for her after June of and that the gloss on the first fifty psalms was ready before April of The author, indeed, addresses her as one who needs reassurance, who has not yet accepted the finality of a religious vocation.
It should be pointed out that the passage occurs in the last quarter of the commentary on Psalms I-L. It was certainly composed before the capture of Jerusalem in since on folio a of the British Museum Royal manuscript the author refers to pilgrimages to the Holy Places and to those living in Jerusalem :. Veez cum gloriusement requert heom tuz jurz, e tutes genz e tutes parties del secle, le sepulchre Domini nostri Jhesu Christi.
It has already been noted that the first book of the Psalter commentary and the second part of book two have many affinities in style and in form. These two sections also resemble each other in the nature and frequency of biographical allusions. Royal, folios a, a, a and b — often used in the first book — refer to Laurette d'Alsace. This assumption is supported by more precise allusions to Laurette's entourage.
Twice the author mentions a Count Ralph who can be none other than Ralph of Vermandois, one of her many husbands. On folio a of the Royal manuscript he recalls a severe frost which destroyed Ralph's vineyards at Peronne 1 :. Peronne was part of the domain of Ralph of Vermandois ; see C.
The origin of the construction of the Basilica, a “National Vow”
Liebman, , P- This passage does not appear in MS. Both these allusions presume a great deal of intimacy between the author and Laurette, a familiarity which is also characteristic of the first book. As he speaks of entering Ralph's domains with her, so on folio b he mentions a visit they made together to the Holy Shroud at Compiegne :. A further point is relevant here.
The author of the commentary on the first fifty psalms makes use of a number of lexical items which reappear in the second part of the second book : the significant point is that these items are extremely rare in Old French. Two examples will suffice by way of demonstration 3 :. For example, on p. William Clito, the predecessor of Thierry as Count of Flanders, who died in A full account of the language of the Psalter commentary MSS. Vezeine also appears in the second part of book two with the same meaning, for example on folio a of MS.
Bodleian Laud Misc. Besides those in the Psalter commentary for Laurette d'Alsace, I know of only one attestation of this word in the Old French period, the one given by Godefroy vol. Now this commentary is also found in MS. Pierpont Morgan and Mr. Liebman has argued that it is based on the commentary for Laurette d'Alsace 1.
After comparing the two works closely, I have concluded that Liebman's theory is very plausible. If such is the case, it is likely that the compiler of the text contained in Pierpont Morgan has merely lifted the word from our commentary. In short, it can be argued that the only written attestations of viezine belong properly to the Psalter commentary for Laurette d'Alsace. Viezine would appear to be a very localized word. All attestations for the modern period in the FEW vol. The first two meanings correspond closely to the contextual nuance of vezine on p. Vos tut, fait li Aposteles, ki baptiziet estes el num Crist, vos avez Crist vestu.
Nos soliuns estre vestu v eh state Ade, de la vezine Adam, mais Christus novus homo supervestivit nos novitate sua. Li noveals Christus nos donat noveals dras immortalitatis en cui il turnerat mor- talia corpora nostra lines In the Bodleian manuscript it reappears in the same form on folio a and in the singular as avegot on folio a. To my knowledge, there are no other attestations in French texts of this lexical item.
Now, it is clear that the probabilities that a local Walloon word with such a popular flavour as viezine, etc. The purpose of this digression has been to show that on linguistic grounds, in addition to others, we must assign the gloss on Psalms LXVIII-C to the author of the first book. If this is so, it is unlikely that a great space of time separates the two sections of the work and very probable that both were completed some two years after the inception of the commentary, therefore between and This conclusion finds some support from paleo- graphical evidence.
The English hand responsible for MS. By postulating the mid s as the date of composition of the gloss on Psalms LXVIII-C, we are allowing a reasonable period of time for the transmission of this text from Wallonia to the English scriptorium where the Bodleian manuscript was executed. The remainder of the commentary, which we have already seen to differ in style and manner of exposition from the gloss on Psalms I-L and LXVIII-C, provides a contrast also in the sparseness of its references to the dedicatee. No mention is made of her entourage and she is only addressed as bele soerjseor MS.
References are to A study II, 13, folios 12b, 13a, d and a or as hele dame MS. II, 13, folio 5c. Moreover, the familiarity which is a characteristic of the other parts of the commentary is rare here, the only example being in the third book folio d where the author describes a hailstorm :. A cel meimes jur fu occis de cel meimes orage uns bons heom ki la defors alout a labur, a quatorze beofs, si fu il tuez, li set beof de l'autre part. Ces orages vernies nus.
Elsewhere, the only knowledge the authors appear to have of the dedicatee is that she is a nun. In the first part of book two our author compares the Incarnation of Christ with the donning of habits by the religious :. Li ordres de nostre abit, ma dame, est trovez en figure de ces- tui qui fud en Jhesu Crist nostre espus.
Covert avez le chef de neir veil e desuz la guimple blanche ; neires cotes defors, blanche chemise dedenz. La blanche vesture desuz, nettee de curage e pure religiun It is evident that the order is Benedictine and of interest to point out tha.
Though this evidence carries little weight by itself, it is almost certain that the com-. A domain of this name came into Henry of Namur's possession with the death of his cousin, Henry II, count of Laroche, before January 10th, Royal, folio 57b.
In the first book see A study We have already seen that both later authors are linked together in a common ' purpos ', to complete the gloss on the Psalter, and therefore it would be justifiable to conclude that if volume three provides fresh evidence that Laurette is the dedicatee of the French Psalter commentary, then the first part of book two was dedicated to the same. On folio 91 v of MS.
II, 13 we do in fact find a reference to Forest in the commentary on the verse : Fiat ei sicut vestimentum quo operitur et sicut zona qua semper precingitur :. Par cestes diverses vestures mustret les divers charges des grants pecchez dunt cil peoples fu vestuz e envelupez. The word forest is very faint and has been added by a secondary scribe. It is impossible to decide whether or not the original lesson was the same.
Of more weight is the mention of Forest on folio 5b in a passage where the author upbraids the Jews for their disregard of the allegorical sense of Scripture :. Asne sunt e le asne guardent. Ne muntent mie a la hautesce, al munt des Saintes Escriptures, ne voelent veer cum danz Habraam sacrifiet sun fiz Ysaac. Ne remanez ne a Forest ne a Meschines. Ne quidez pas aver asez fait del neir manteliun e del neir palestel.
Muntez a munt en Syon.
A little history of Miséricorde chapel in Nice
Forest can only be the convent of Forest-lez-Bruxelles to which Laurette d'Alsace retired, probably in The mention of Meschines is puzzling. There is no record to prove that Laurette spent some of her days at Messines. It is significant, however, that the abbey was intimately connected with the Counts of Flanders and was the recipient of frequent donations from Philip of Flanders.
It is possible that Laurette's connection with Messines became more regular when her sister Gertrude took the veil there after or when her sister Elizabeth became the seventh abbess of Messines between 1 and 1 2, but unlikely that she moved to Messines from Forest. A passage on folio c of MS. II, 13 sheds an uncertain light on this question :.
Si cum hoem dist : Et ne vus sovint par quel jur nus fumes a medicinez? Nenil, mei ne sovent quel jur. Messines was written in a variety of ways but in the oldest charters of the eleventh and twelfth centuries it is always spelt with a c or the variant digraph ch 3. The English scribe of Durham A.
II, 13 has evidently interpreted mecines j-z as ' medicine ' and transcribed it with the alternative learned form medicinez 4. Thus a medicinez should be read a Mecines 5. The passage suggests that Laurette and the author visited Messines on certain special occasions, such as the day of the Feast of the Virgin, rather than that Laurette had changed her allegiance from one convent to another. The third volume of the Psalter commentary was not composed until after the taking of Jerusalem in 11 In a passage on.
Diegerick, op. Delepierre, N. Flandre occidentale, vol. Because of this legend the procession of the Virgin at Messines gained a widespread renown. Mes de la quele Jerusalem parolet ici? Ki sunt cil habitur ki pardu- rablement ne se moverunt? Querez i ore Judeu, n'i troverez nul. Querez i Cristiens, n'i troverez si serfs nun Moreover, on folio a the author compares the life of man with the eternal reign of God :. Only in relation to eternity can the reigns of the Kings of England and France in the twelfth century be described as brief, with the exception of that of Richard the First.
Towards the end of the twelfth century, however, the Papacy and the Kingdom of Jerusalem changed hands with starling rapidity. Can we assume that the ' els quatre ' of Rome are the first four of the Popes mentioned above and that the French author was writing during the comparatively long term of office of Celestine III? Certainly the first hand of Durham A. II, 13 can be dated first quarter of the thirteenth century and, allowing some time for transmission, it would not be unreasonable to assume that the original of book three was composed for Laurette before Furthermore, Laurette must have been not much younger than sixteen when she married I wan of Alost in 1 and there-.
If she married Henry of Louvain before Iwan she would have been older than sixteen in ; see P. Grierson, op. Everything points to the third volume of the commentary having been composed between iiqi and when Pope Celestine III was in office. It has been seen that this section betrays late features associated with the Paris schools and that the author must have been writing some years after 1 when the earlier parts of the commentary were completed. Nevertheless, he is not influenced by the new techniques to the same degree as the author of volume three and it would seem he was writing at an earlier date.
It is of some interest to note that the earliest collections of distinct-tones belong to the last quarter of the twelfth century 1 and this provides us with a rough terminus a quo. Moreover, the whole of the second book is written by the same hand in MS. II, 12 and this hand can be dated end of the twelfth century or very early in the following. If we posit as chronological limits for the composition of this part of the French Psalter commentary, we will not be too wide of the mark. Liebman 2 is of the opinion that the renowned Paris master Simon of Tournai was the sole author of this wast work.
However, our examination of the Latin sources involved and of the nature and scope of the biographical references in the commentary has already led us to attribute the work to three distinct authors. In spite of this discrepancy of opinion, let us examine Mr Liebman's evidence and arguments in support of his theory 3. In his commentary on Psalm 11,7 the author discusses temporal adverbs :.
Car hodie et heri et eras temporalia adverbio, sunt. Car nos diums : Quant fus tu a Muntdisdier? Quant en venis tu? Hodie, ui. E quant iras tu? Cras, demain 4. See above, p. Smalley ,, op. II, 11 reads : ' Cras, demain. Car par ier, e ui, e demain, en passe toz nos tanz e nos meisme A study Liebman's immediate conclusion is that the author of these lines must have been in Montdidier at the time of writing.
He remembers that Laurette's husband, Ralph of Vermandois and Montdidier, had a brother Simon, Bishop of Noyon-Tournai who according to a charter dated approximately , was a canon of the priory of Notre-Dame de Montdidier. What could be more logical, Liebman asks, than that our author should be one of the prebendaries designated by Bishop Simon in the same charter? Presumably she was considering at this time her entry into the convent of Forest to which she retired in the same year.
Be that as it may, Liebman then casts around for someone likely to have been commissioned to write the commentary for Laurette, someone who was connected with Bishop Simon and who tallies with the few known clues to the author's identity, i. He chooses Simon of Tournai, the celebrated theologian and dialectician, and draws our. Le commentaire, p. Liebman agrees p. See the remarks of Mme R. Lejeune on p. He wishes us to believe that when Simon of Tournai left his native town in he went not to Paris, as is suggested elsewhere 1, but to Montdidier. His only reason for this supposition — see page — is the reference to Montdidier in the French Psalter commentary!
The circularity of this argument is blatant. On these palpably shaky foundations Liebman is able to construct a highly attractive theory to explain the paleographical and artistic features of the Morgan manuscript. This enables him to account for the use made of the ' Danish ' in Morgan 2 and for the interesting fact that this fine manuscript is illuminated by one of the two artists responsible for the Inge- borg Psalter 3.
Presumably Bishop Stephen had access to the atelier in which the Ingeborg Psalter was executed and saw to it that the Morgan manuscript was prepared there too. However, Liebman's theories cannot survive detailed investigation. In the first place, the reference to Montdidier, apparently the corner stone of Liebman's ingenious argument, can not be adduced as evidence that the author was actually at Montdidier between and when the commentary was begun.
All the passage tells us is that the author was acquainted with Montdidier. Secondly, Mr. Indeed, he attempts to lend an air of verisimilitude to this hypo-. V, Lille, , p. This spelling trait will be discussed in a forthcoming article, The Walloon dialect before 5. See below for an alternative explanation. It is true that Ralph is mentioned in the commentary more often than her other husbands and that this is surprising in view of the fact that he died in , the very year of their marriage.
Other snippets of information, however, indicate that the author responsible for the earlier parts of the commentary was connected with the Counts of Flanders and probably knew Laurette long before her marriage to Ralph. Besides mentioning William Clito, the predecessor of Thierry, he has comments to make on the murder of Charles the Good in the church of St. Donatian at Bruges 1. A man involved in the affairs of the Counts of Flanders would be best placed to be an eyewitness to the distress of Walter of Hesdin who had been expelled from his lands by Charles the Good for his part in the rebellion against him 2.
In the passage from the second book of the commentary quoted above 3 the words ' quant nus venimes en la terre le Cunte Raul ' perhaps suggest that our author had been for some time a constant companion of Laurette and had followed her throughout her many matrimonial adventures. He was probably at least as friendly with Thierry as with Ralph of Vermandois 4 and it is not beyond possibility that Thierry himself had commissioned the Psalter commentary for his daughter.
This, however, remains nothing more than speculation. More serious objections that can be levelled at Liebman's theories are of a chronological nature. Most authorities are agreed that Simon of Tournai was born c. This means in the first. Ross, 2nd edition, New York, Ross, op. See the passage quoted on p. In the second place that Simon of Tournai could not possibly have written the earlier parts of the Psalter commentary.
We have already seen that some of our author's acquaintances — Charles the Good, William Clito — were flourishing a generation before the birth of the Paris master. Furthermore, in the passage quoted in p. The passage suggests in fact that the author was already a mature man at some time between and and it is likely that he was born towards the end of the eleventh century 2. Liebman is not unaware of this chronological discrepancy but again, arguing in a circular manner, he uses the evidence of the Psalter commentary both to propose a new date of birth for Simon of Tournai and to connect him with the charter of :.
Warichez place la naissance de Simon de Tournai vers 11 At the same time, Liebman is making the rather hasardous assumption that Simon was almost a centenarian when, according to Matthew Paris, he died in He sidesteps this difficulty by stating that Matthew Paris ' testimony ' It is certainly true that Matthew's account of Simon dying while in the act of lecturing has all the appearances of a piece of romantic fiction, but what possible reason.
Hence of the generation of clerics who studied under Anselm of Laon. Even the points of similarity which Mr. Lieb- man notes between the early part of the commentary and Simon's work are trivial 1, where they exist at all. His ' antipathie pour l'anonymat ' — as we have seen he refers by name to Gilbert de la Porree — and the independence of his judgement on certain issues 4, may well be characteristic features of Simon's work but they can have no status as evidence that the early parts of the French commentary were composed by Master Simon of Tournai.
The evidence that led Liebman to put forward Simon of Tour- nai's name is almost all taken from the commentary on the first fifty psalms. This is hardly surprising since the later sections of the commentary contain very little in the way of biographical references. If it is out of the question that Simon composed the. Morin, 1, art. He makes frequent attacks on simony and heresy and, as we have seen, is not averse to calling the Emperor Frederick and the anti-Pope Victor IV 'devils '. On folio I28V of the Morgan manuscript he risks the wrath of the grant segnur in advancing an opinion on the difference between dire and commander and on folio 13 iv reflections on the incompatibility between a child's dribble and the beard of a mature man involve a personal interpretation.
The dates that we have proposed for the first part of book two and for volume three leave open the possibility that Simon had a hand in writing them. Techniques employed in these books have sugested to us the influence of the Paris schools and it is a well known fact that Simon was one of the most distinguished of the Paris masters. Indeed, Liebman's most convincing argument for the attribution of the French commentary to Simon of Tournai is that the passage on the dedication of churches taken from Rufinus' Summa Decretonim l also occurs in the Summa of master Simon 2.
Is there much evidence that Simon, the subtle dialectician who finally severed the bonds linking lectio divina and disputatio 5, has practised his art in the pages of the French Psalter commentary? To all these questions our answer must be a negative one. Not only is there an absence of the features normally associated with Simon's work, but the authors show a hostile attitude to the disputation.
On folio o,6d of the Royal manuscript the author of the first part of book two refers to ' veines questiuns e desputeisuns '. Though more influenced by dialectic, the author of the third book deplores the divorce between lectio and disputatio :. You shall see through what means it is possible to obtain subscriptions among those exiled from Paris that you can reach in Le Mans, Poitiers and elsewhere as well as people around the country, because at the moment the cause of Paris is the cause of France.
He showed it to Monsignor Pie, Bishop of Poitiers and requested his authorization to distribute it. The Bishop declined to back this project destined for Paris but left Legentil free to act as he so desired. Legentil immediately had the text of the Vow printed mid-December and distributed it throughout France and also in Switzerland. In the presence of the sacrilegious attacks committed in Rome against the rights of the Church and the Holy See and against the sacred person of the Vicar of Jesus Christ.
We humble ourselves before God and uniting in our love both Church and Fatherland, recognize that we have sinned and been justly punished. And to make honorable amends for our sins and obtain through the infinite mercy of the Sacred Heart of Our Lord Jesus Christ pardon for our faults, as well as the extraordinary help that alone can deliver the Holy Pontiff from his captivity and put an end to the misfortunes of France, we hereby promise to contribute to the construction, in Paris, of a sanctuary dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Night adoration Vocation of the Basilica One night adoration at the Basilica Registration for night adoration.
The Council that was being held in the Vatican at the time was suspended and the Pope, no longer under the protection of French troops, considered himself a prisoner within the Vatican.