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Will bolt up to the but not AMC without an adapter. This Ranger then can be bolted to Stock speed. This will verify what bearing index necessary. On these applications we have found few odd size input shaft bearings that Toyota used. Cambridge Companions to Literature. History of Science, 48 2. International Journal of South Asian Studies, 3.

Medical History, 54 1. South Asian History and Culture, 4 1. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 84 3. Studies in imperialism. Manchester University Press, Manchester, pp. Medicine and the Market in England and its Colonies, c. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke and New York, pp. Chakrabarti, Pratik Medicine and Empire, Palgrave MacMillan, Basingstoke, pp. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 80 1. In: Bandopadhyay, Arun , ed. Science and Society in India, Manohar Books, pp. Chakrabarti, Pratik Review. Indian Economic and Social History Review, 45 2.

Review of: Medicine at the border: disease, globalization and security, to the present by Bashford, A. Medical History, 52 2. In: Gupta, Uma Das , ed. Science and Modern India: an Institutional History c. History of science, philosophy, and culture in Indian civilization. Pearson Education, New Delhi. In: Gupta, Jyoti Bhusan Das , ed. Science, Technology, Imperialism and War. Pearson Longman, New Delhi, pp.

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European History Quarterly, 23 4. Clark, J. Louis Renard's 'Natural history of the rarest curiosities of the seas of the Indies'. Holthuis, edited by Theodore W. Annals of Science, 55 2. Clarke, G. Business History Review, 88 2. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 36 4. Cohen, Andrew Dams and the Dilemmas of Development. African Historical Review, 46 1. Itinerario, 34 2. South African Historical Journal, 68 3. African Affairs, Journal of Southern African Studies, 37 4. South African Historical Journal, 68 1. International Library of African Studies.

Tauris, pp. Cohen, Andrew Review of S. Business History Review, 91 1. Cohen, Andrew Review: J. Review of: J. South African Historical Journal, 62 4. African Historical Review, 41 2. Historia, 51 1. Cohen, Andrew Review: L. Review of: L. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 36 2. Cohen, Andrew Review: M. Harper and S. Review of: M. South African Historical Journal, 63 4. South African Historical Journal, South African Historical Journal, 62 2. Cohen, Andrew Review: R.

Cohen, Andrew Review: T. Review of: T. Business History Review, 89 1. Cohen, Andrew Review: W. Review of: W. African Historical Review, 45 2. Historia, 54 2. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 45 5. In: Law, Kate , ed. The Decolonisation of Zimbabwe. Routledge, London, UK. Colclough, Nevill How elections are fought in Ascoli: kinship, politics, history and culture.

Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 5 2. Colville, Quintin Jack Tar and the gentleman officer; the role of uniform in shaping the class and gender-related identities of British naval personnel, Colville, Quintin The role of the interior in constructing notions of class and status; a case study of Dartmouth Naval College, Interior Design and Identity. Connelly, Mark L. Historical Research, 84 Wilfred Laurier University Press, pp.

In: Paris, Michael , ed. Repicturing the Second World War. Representations in Film and Television. Palgrave MacMillan, United Kingdom, pp. Kulturwissenschaftliches Institut. Kulturwissenschafliches, Essen, pp. Journal of First World War Studies, 1 3. Contemporary British History, 16 2. University of British Columbia Press. In: Primoratz, Igor , ed. Exeter University Press, UK The full text of this publication is not currently available from this repository.

In: Musgrove, Dave , ed. BBC history. British film guide. Tauris, London, 97 pp. British Film Guides. I B Tauris, London, pp. Tauris, London, pp. In: Kettenacher, Lothar , ed. Ein Volk von Opfern? Die neue Debatte um den Bombenkrieg, Rowohlt, Berlin, pp. Palgrave Macmillan, United Kingdom, pp. BBC Knowledge Magazine,. The commemoration in the City and East London, In: Locicero, Michael , ed. Two Sides of the Same Bad Penny. Gallipoli and the Western Front, a comparison. Royal Historical Society studies in history. Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, 22 1.

In: Martens, Stefan and Prausser, Steffen , eds. La guerre de se battre, subir, se souvenir. Histoire et civilisations. In: Jones, Spencer , ed. Stemming the Tide. Officers and Leadership in the British Expeditionary Force Wolverhampton military studies. Helion, Solihull. Contemporary Record, 8 3. Grosbritannien und das Jahr Aus Politik und Zeitsgeschichte, 29 In: Welch, David , ed. Propaganda, Power and Persuasion. From World War I to Wikileaks.

International library of historical studies. Tauris, London. The Falkland Islands Journal, 10 3. Helion, pp. In: Rommel: a reassessment. Pen and Sword. In: Connelly, Mark L. Cinema and society. BBC History Magazine, 9 Assessing the bicentenary. In: Hoock, Holger , ed. History, Commemoration, and National Preoccupation: Trafalgar British Academy occasional paper.

Assessing the Bicentenary. History, Commemoration and National Preoccupation: Trafalgar British Academy Occasional Papers. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main. Britain and the memory of the Second World War. Grosbritannien und die Erinnerung an die Heimatfront im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Ferdinand Schoningh, Paderborn.

War in History, 16 1. War in History, 14 1. In: Afflerbach, Holger and Strachan, Hew , eds. Armies of the Great War.

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War and Society, 29 1. Bloomsbury Academic. Great Battles. Der Luftkrieg in Grossbritannien. Luftkrieg: Erinnerungen in Deutschland und Europa. Wallstein, Go? War in History, 11 4. Twentieth Century British History, 15 3. The image of the special forces in British popular culture, Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, 25 1.

Conyne, George R. Journal of American Studies, 42 2. Coplet, A. History, 79 Copley, Antony R. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 20 1. History, 85 Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 27 3. European History Quarterly, 24 1. Early years of the Banaras Hindu University. Review of: A Hindu Education. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 18 1. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 21 1. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 22 2. History, 80 A Biography by Sarvepalli Gopal. Review of: Radakrishnan.

History, 83 Journal of Religious History, 24 3. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 26 3. History, 84 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 18 2. Corbin, John R. Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 25 4. Cordero Lanza di Montezemolo, A. Agry Graveur Heraldiste, Paris. The Economic History Review, 69 1. Developmental Child Welfare,. Journal of Medieval History, 22 2. Crosland, Maurice In Defence of Alchemy. Nature, Crosland, Maurice The Nature of Knowledge. Crosland, Maurice A Son of Genius. Crosland, Maurice P.

Isis, 86 1. Annals of Science, 53 1. Science in Context, 9 3. Annals of Science, 52 1. Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Mexico The full text of this publication is not currently available from this repository. Annals of Science, 66 2. Belin, Paris, pp. Heinemann, UK, pp. Dover Publications Inc.

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Isis, 89 2. British Society for the History of Science Monographs. La Recherche, Lutterworth Press, Cambridge, pp. In: Demeulenaere-Douyere, C. Il y a ans. British Journal for the History of Science, 29 AMBIX, 56 2. British Journal for the History of Science, 28 AMBIX, 42 2.

Isis, 86 3. Recherche, In: Knight, David and Kragh, Helge , eds. Chemistry in Britain, 36 5. Journal of Modern History, 69 3. Heinemann, London, pp. Variorum Collected Studies. Ashgate, Aldershot, pp. History of Science, 45 3. Social History of Medicine, 10 1. Cunningham, Hugh British military spectacle. From the Napoleonic Wars through the Crimea.

Review of: British military spectacle. Cunningham, Hugh Children and the politics of culture. Review of: 1. Pioneer Children on the Journey West 2. Cunningham, Hugh Death in the Victorian family. Review of: Death in the Victorian family by Jalland, Pat. Albion, 30 1. Cunningham, Hugh Great Britain. Identities, institutions and the idea of Britishness.

Cunningham, Hugh Growing up. Childhood in English Canada from the Great War to the age of television. Cunningham, Hugh Histories of childhood review essay. Centuries of Childhood 2. American Historical Review, 4. Cunningham, Hugh Out of place: Englishness, empire, and the locations of identity. Cunningham, Hugh Popular culture and performance in the Victorian city.

Cunningham, Hugh Sport, economy and society in Britain Cunningham, Hugh Youth in Britain since Cunningham, Hugh The circus and Victorian society. Journal of Social History, 40 4. Davies, Jack M. Davis, J. Annals of Science, 52 4. Davis, John L. Annals of Science, 55 3. Ditchfield, Grayson M. An Enlightenment Statesman in Whig Britain. Lord Shelburne in Context, The Boydell Press, Woodbridge, Suffolk, pp. In: Hoppitt, Julian , ed. Parliaments, Nations and Identities in Britain and Ireland, An Essay in Monarchy.

Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, UK, pp. Parliamentary History, 24 Specia. Historical Journal, 35 3. In: Rivers, Isabel and Wykes, David , eds. Joseph Priestley, Scientist, Philosopher, and Theologian. Volume II: Church of England Record Society, 2. Volume I. Church of England Record Society. The Boydell Press, UK, pp. Review of: Methodism: Empire of the spirit by Hempton, D. History, 92 1. Edward Drax Free, Review of: Scandal in the Church: Dr. Edward Drax Free, by Outhwaite, R. History, 93 Notes and Queries, 40 3. Docherty, T. Textual Practice, 10 3. Bygone Kent, 31 4.

History and Memory, 25 2. Teaching History, Archaeologia Cantiana, Donaldson, Peter Jeffrey S. Review of: Jeffrey S. New York: Manchester University Press. American Historical Review, 3. Donaldson, Peter K. Elliott-Jones and W. Cope, eds. Review of: K. Journal of the British Records Association,. Bygone Kent,. Teaching History,. Lest We Forget. History Press, Stroud, Gloucestershire.

Liverpool University Press, pp. Cambridge Scholars Press, pp. Review of: Stephen Heathorn. Burlington, Vt. In: Constantine, Rodney James , ed. New Perspectives on the Anglo-Boer War, National Museum, Bloemfontein. Draper, Mario A. The International History Review,. Eales, R. History Today, 43 9. Ellen, Roy F. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 29 1. Technology and Culture, 35 3. Technology and Culture, 33 1. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, From the Reformation to the Permissive Society.

History, 77 In: Lake, Peter and Questier, Michael , eds. Conformity and Orthodoxy in the English Church, c. Studies in Modern British Religious History. Boydell and Brewer, Woodbridge, pp. Music and Letters, 62 Fincham, Kenneth Court, Country and Culture. In: Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. ISBN X. In: Catto, Jeremy , ed. Oriel College: A history. Oxford University Press, pp.

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Fincham, Kenneth Government by polemic: James I, the king's preachers, and the rhetoric of conformity, Catholic Historical Review, 85 3. Fincham, Kenneth Hampton Court Conference act. In: Oxford Handbook to John Donne. Only one attacker survived. He then became the first Party Secretary to have served in both areas. Chen applied the methods of intensive policing and grid surveillance developed in Tibet to Xinjiang and its Muslim populations.

Scholars such as Adrian Zenz and others have tracked the expansion of the XUAR as a security state using satellite photos as well as information gleaned from websites advertising jobs, and tenders for supplies and construction. These reveal a rapid ex- pansion in the number of security personnel, such as Special Police Units, deployed in the region.

In , nearly 32, positions were advertised, many to fill the new convenience police stations. Police also regularly subject Uyghurs and Kazakhs to random searches and investigate the apps and contacts on their phones. At the slightest hint of any problem, suspects are taken away for interrogation or internment. The principle of preventive policing encourages officials to be suspi- cious, hyper-vigilant, and proactive; they can be punished if any perceived laxity on their part later turns out to have enabled any sort of incident. Gerry Groot POWER in Xinjiang Since , security forces have been told to also be on the lookout for at least forty-eight suspicious signs alerting them to extremist tendencies by Muslims.

An unauthorised Hajj, as in the case of Abdughapar Abdurusul, is an example of a suspicious act. Determining the number of detention centres and detainees has proved difficult. As noted, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Ra- cial Discrimination assessed estimates of between one and two million detained. Such numbers are not surprising in light of the ease with which individuals can be seen to have committed an offence as well as pressure on local security forces to meet quotas of suspicious persons — as revealed by a guard at one prison.

But official Chinese statistics for reveal that arrests in Xinjiang accounted for twenty-one per cent of all arrests nationwide that year, despite the XUAR having only 1. The latter include factories and old Party schools. By Gerry Groot POWER in Xinjiang the end of , there was conclusive evidence for the existence of almost two hundred large-scale detention centres, with some, such as the one at Dabancheng, having capacity for at least ten thousand people. The same day, a televi- sion report showed purportedly happy Uyghur recipients of this education in a camp in Hetian.

No foreign reporters or scholars have been allowed access to any of the camps, nor interviews with any of those interned. Those who have failed to show contrition or learn Mandarin were sentenced to anything from five to thirty years in a detention centre. If there are not enough Uyghurs to fill local quotas, they haul in Han Chinese converts to Islam.

In their extensive overview of the happenings in Xinjiang, Eradicating Ideological Viruses, Human Rights Watch reported the regular use of torture including, sleep deprivation, beatings, and suspension from the ceiling. She described being forced to take unidentified medications, and many of her female inmates ceased menstruating, pos- sibly as a result. Many towns and villages in Xinjiang have lost a substantial propor- tion of their Uyghur and Kazakh populations, including nearly all their working-age males, to the camps.

Any indications of Islamic sensitivities must be reported. The remaining mosques have few worshippers as locals fear to be seen in them. Within schools, universities, government offices, and companies, separate eating facilities for Muslims have disappeared. The Party-state is also targetting the corps of Uyghur intellectuals and officials who once helped it to manage the province and train the ranks of their successors.

One after another, once-trusted and respected Uyghurs and others, already a tiny minority in a Han-dominated system, have been sacked, arrested, detained, or disappeared. Queser Qeyum, the editor of a state-run magazine, committed suicide rather than be detained. There is barely a Uyghur family in Australia or elsewhere left unaffected by the detentions and disappearances that have occurred in recent years.

And because contact with family or others living overseas is also classed as suspicious, many expatriate Uyghurs are under considera- ble stress. They fear that discussing the plight of their family back in China could make things worse for them and have repercussions for themselves.

At the same time, they hope that raising the issue might result in more in- formation becoming available on the missing or the release of those held. Xi and other party leaders worry incessantly about the rise of ethno-national and religious consciousness that is outside of CCP control and that derives succour and inspiration from abroad. But the crackdown in Xinjiang is by far the most ex- tensive and brutal.

Current efforts to destroy the Islamic cultural base of Uyghur and Kazakh identity represent the end of long-standing debates within China about the direction of religious and nationality policy. The apparent ascendancy of the hardliners signals the end of United Front policy in place since the beginning of the Reform Era in the late- s.

Until about , tensions over Islamic traditions, such as Muslims insisting on Halal food in the workplace or observing Ramadan, would often have been sorted out by upholding respect for religious sensitivities. No more. In , insisting on Halal food is grounds for arrest for religious extremism.

It is certainly a new era for Xinjiang and United Front policy. The failure of those policies led to the post-Mao reforms that Xi seems intent on undoing. Even the advantag- es of high-tech surveillance and security do not guarantee success — if suc- cess is not simply defined as the creation of a prison state. And just as in those earlier periods, the human cost of the attempt will be enormous and last for generations. As for the surveillance and security systems, includ- ing grid policing, some observers have suggested that this may be rolled out in other parts of China in the future.

A New Era indeed. Finally, as implied already, foreign governments are also indirectly involved in the happenings in Xinjiang, often by virtue of having Uyghurs as citizens or migrants, such as in Australia. Any government that pro- claims the importance of human rights should be extremely concerned. In Australia, the government and politicians have been remarkably quiet despite growing press coverage of the scale and nature of the detentions. Most disconcert- ingly, it is the muted response from Muslim nations that is most surpris- ing.

Despite a growing awareness in such countries, only in Malaysia and Indonesia has protest been significant. We can only hope that all nations, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, find the courage to make similar calls. A vice-mayor of Ying- century: Orthodox Unity Zhengyi tan presided over the ceremony. Official records state that tal officials responsible for religious there are about 48, Daoist priests affairs, and all Daoist clerics under the affiliated with temples nationwide leadership of the Longhushan Daoist although this number does not take Association.

Orthodox Unity priests, thus regard it Instead, it is a pragmatic concession as the home of Orthodox Unity. Unlike the transcendental followers of Daoism, as well as goals of other religions, such as Orthodox Unity priests in general, that enlightenment or entering heaven, the Tianshifu priests were willing to do many of these priests are materially United Front work under the guidance focussed on this life. Among other things, Daoist organisations and to which an the UFWD is tasked with uniting officially ordained Daoist cleric should patriotic groups and individuals, adhere this precept evolved from an especially elite figures, within imperial-era requirement to be loyal to religious communities.

See Chapter 4 the emperor. This reads as a bolster the legitimacy of its regime. After the reform to the perceived territorial integrity of period began in , it increasingly the PRC. After the This is as true in the religious protests of , when students and sphere as it is in lay society. There were no the State than ever. Pope Francis now recognises thority of the Vatican.

Rome has not seven bishops appointed by the state. Farrelly Pope Francis and his advisors are seeking an accord with the CCP Source: Catholic Church England and Wales, Flickr spiritual lives of the approximately sidered the Confucian rites paganistic twelve million Catholics in mainland and incompatable with Catholicism. While not tholicism, the emperor Kangxi banned the first Catholic missionary to China, the preaching of Catholicism. Jesuits, the Jesuit Matteo Ricci — is however, retained their special place among the most famous, and helped in the court as artists, and technical ensure a Jesuit presence in the Ming and scientific advisors.

The Jesuits were ac- and successor Yongzheng, who banned commodating of Chinese customs, in- Catholicism altogether, still appreci- cluding Confucian rites such as those ated the talent of Italian Jesuit artist around ancestor worship — a position Giuseppe Castiglione. This led to a rapid boost in numbers in In , after their victory in the Taiwan when the Nationalist govern- first Opium War, and in addition to ment escaped there, where the church the trade concessions they forced on still claims around , adherents, the Qing, France and Britain demand- with a strong presence in certain in- ed that the court legalise Christianity digenous communities.

Now that it is strength- imperialist humiliation of China in the ening its suppression of religions, how nineteenth century; that those build- could you think this will lead to a good ings were designed by Jesuits generally agreement? The Vatican and the Republic ity: how can the Catholic Church cede of China established diplomatic re- to the atheist CCP its right to recognise lations in , and missionaries re- and appoint bishops?

The current pontiff influence in China. Its key recommendations to the Chinese government included ending gender-specific job advertisements for civil servants, strengthening anti-discrimination laws in hiring, and proactive- ly enforcing company compliance with those laws. It is likely these recommendations fell on deaf ears. Holding up Half the Sky? But there were steps in the right direction.


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  • Yet in , China ranked as the most gen- der-imbalanced country in the world, underpinned by a rising male sex ratio at birth from the mids onwards, when illegal pre-natal gen- der tests and sex-selective abortion became widespread. The ratio peaked at Many economists expected that market-oriented reforms would prompt a reduction in gender discrimination — because discriminating against anyone is not an efficient thing to do — but that has not been the case. Stud- ies show that this is largely because of discrimination rather than differ- ences in skills, talent, or occupational choices.

    Women are more likely to work in low-wage export-oriented manufacturing sectors than in high-wage foreign firms and joint ventures. In the late s, when a state-owned enterprise laid off workers in a bid to become more efficient, women were dispropor- tionately affected. This suggests that gen- der inequality is an even more intransigent a problem than the urban— rural, regional, and socioeconomic divides that characterise China today.

    Gender inequities are just as striking in the political realm. Dur- ing the s and s, women accounted for one third of Communist Party members; by only one in four Party members was female. According The Politburo Standing Committee: the definition of an unbalanced gender power structure to Li Cheng of the Brookings Insti- Source: YouTube tution, on the eve of the Nineteenth Party Congress in there was not a single woman serving as a provin- cial or municipal Party secretary — considered a pre-requisite for gaining a Politburo seat in the future.

    Li does not anticipate a more gender-bal- anced power structure emerging in Chinese politics any time soon. Out of countries in , China ranked at 99 overall — down from 63 a decade earlier. This placed it well below the Philippines at number 7 , as well as Mongolia 58 , Vietnam 65 , and Thailand, Bangladesh, and India, although notably above its neighbours Japan and Korea Given the fact that China has been moving up on so many other measures, including GDP, GDP per capita, and educa- tional attainments overall, these gender trends are all the more worrying.

    The Feminist Five spent thirty-seven days in detention before being released on bail to await trial — meaning that they were subjected to surveillance, restrictions, and investigations for up to one year and, it turns out, well beyond that. Hundreds of other women quickly followed suit with their own grievances, calling for investigations into allegations of sexual abuse in spheres including ac- ademia and the media.

    The number of births actually declined from Well-educated, ambitious women — no matter how many babies they choose to have — coupled with better child- and elderly-care facilities to free up women for productive employment would make far more sense. But neither Xi Jinping nor many young Chinese women appear to see it this way. If You are the One is a Chinese dating show that provides heavily scripted but still fascinating insights into the machinations of modern-day matchmaking in China.

    She abruptly turned off her light, and the young man was left alone. Social liberals attacked the show for This historical reimagining of revelling in the brutality of patriarchal court intrigue features seemingly au- power politics, and for depicting the thentic, fabulous costumes and ele- female body as capital in the struggle gant hair accessories; some of the craft for power, as well as a means for ma- skills that went into their making are nipulating power. The vivid por- paced, episode serial was well re- trayal of imperial life through fashion, ceived by mainstream viewers.

    Only by approaching become a high-ranking imperial con- the political throne are the women cubine. As evidenced on Weibo and empowered with any kind of authori- other social media platforms, a large ty. Yet the heroine Wei Yingluo is not number of urban women who struggle a mere passive subject of the patriar- for better work opportunities identi- chy.

    Her mindset is more modern in fied with her solo struggle to climb the that she consciously negotiates with, socioeconomic ladder and negotiate and sometimes challenges the existing a society structured around wealth- power structure. Her determination based status and male power and to seek revenge for her sister, who is privilege. To the drama, virtues and ideals die along revenge on someone, the best way is with the empress.

    If one lives insecure workplaces, which are gov- under constant worry and fear, what erned by cut-throat capitalist values a feeble life it is! In this new landscape, conventional political lines have tended to blur. A classified inter-agency inquiry, led by one-time Beijing correspondent John Garnaut, was proba- bly the source of some of the claims about Chinese Party-state interference in Australian affairs that filtered into the media in Bodies aligned with Beijing, such as the Australian Council for the Peaceful Reunification of China, have tended to stay out of the fray.

    Silent Invasion received mostly critical reviews, start- ing with my own in the Aus- tralian Review of Books. Occupying more of a middle ground position, Si- nologist Geremie R. David Shoebridge, a figure from the left of the NSW branch, was scheduled to launch Silent Invasion in the state parliament, but withdrew in the face of criticism from anti-racist activists.

    Conservative pundits who had long reviled Clive Hamilton for his ad- vocacy on climate change now embraced his stance on China. Bolt clicked his tongue. Malcolm Turnbull announced these laws in late , in the midst of a tense by-election campaign in Ben- nelong in north Sydney, an electorate home to a sizable Chinese-Australi- an community. Hamilton and his Silent Invasion collaborator Alex Joske were among those who made submissions endorsing the draft laws. A group of Australian China scholars weighed in with a joint submission arguing that the laws endangered intellectual freedom, and that exaggerated claims of Chinese influence had poisoned the political climate.

    Horse-trading at the Parliamen- tary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security secured ALP support for the laws, but the minor parties and independents were unanimous in opposing them. Having invoked the spectre of electoral interference to pass the laws, the Attor- ney-General then did the same to speed their implementation. With a fed- eral election looming in , Porter announced that new requirements to register a relationship with a foreign principal would take effect from 10 December. A Transpacific Partnership?

    Hilary Clinton drew similar comparisons on her Australian speaking tour in May. The mood turned to disappointment in April , when Harris was redirected to South Korea. The position remained vacant until Novem- ber, when Trump installed long-term Republican insider Arthur B. On the local level, a PRC vice-consul requested the removal of a Taiwanese flag from a work of public art in Rockhampton, sparking out- rage.

    For a while, it seemed that the political party taking claims of Chinese subversion most seriously was the Australian Greens. In Tasmania, the Greens first issued warnings that the 3,acre Cambria Green holiday re- sort, a joint venture with a PRC company, was part of a CCP plot to secure ter- ritory in Tasmania as a launching pad for its ambitions towards Antarctica.

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    In the end, she received a paltry 1. Resetting the Reset? ACRI saw in the speech a welcome turn away from the hostile posturing of previous months. Anxious to prevent any such retrenchment on the part of its ally and patron, Australia issued loud warnings about the growing Chi- nese threat. At this point, Canberra may have felt that its own tough talk had served its pur- pose, and Australia could tone it down.

    Alternatively, Turnbull may have decided that America was unlikely to follow through on its rhetoric, and Australia risked isolating itself in a region where everyone else was hedg- ing between China and the US. Should that situation persist, the Australian public may find it- self ill-prepared for a future crisis in our region. Tsai years of dispossession, and the estab- campaigned in support of indigenous lishment of a Truth and Reconciliation reconciliation, same-sex marriage, and Commission to examine the legacy of social equality.

    Furthermore, with a into the fifties. Perennial and then appointed Premier in , issues like energy policy and pension has also seen his personal political sup- reform have also damaged the govern- port decline, with fifty-three per cent ment, as they did the previous govern- disapproval and only thirty-seven per ment of Ma Ying-jeou.

    For the urban cent approval. Lai is a likely future DPP supporters who carried Tsai to victo- presidential candidate. Its local election suc- twenty-two county and city regions. Similarly, for the power, and driver of global economic opposition KMT, coming back from the growth. An elector- eral order in which European and US ate that swings between extremes of political and corporate power have set hope and disillusionment has become out the rules.

    United Front work, and much else, Taiwan has long sat on the fault testing politicians and policy-makers lines of US and Chinese power in the around the world. Until recently, the region. She spent time in Los world order in the process, Taiwan has Angeles and then Houston, where she been shaken by the shifting ground.

    Beijing protested to Washing- election of a DPP president who open- ton that the visit was a breach of the ly resists its political pressure, Beijing one-China policy. China relations. Around the world, politicians and that a Taiwanese president must policy-makers schedule visits and strike between the democratic aspira- meetings that signal their own position tions of voters and the vicissitudes of on Taiwan, and, by implication, whose geopolitics. Taiwanese artists, writers, from forces beyond her control. But it also a bittersweet tone that expresses the informs the dogged commitment of sense of powerlessness in the face of the Taiwanese to the ideal of democra- greater forces.

    Beijing, representatives. The poor polling for for all its pressure and belligerence, both the Tsai government and the op- has failed to weaken these hopes. Not just a matter of chequebook Kuomintang KMT government. Activists DPP. From eign country, reconciling with injustic- this movement emerged what is now es of an authoritarian past, and deep- the third-largest parliamentary party: ening transparent and participatory the New Power Party NPP. The NPP democracy.


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    4. The Mothers Of Honoré From Mackinac And Lake Stories, 1899.

    Throughout inaction on marriage equality, after , the NPP broke with DPP plat- the Constitutional Court ruled current forms in both parliament and public. The Party thus demonstrat- The minimum voting age for referen- ed an issue-based approach to policy, dums was also lowered to eighteen. The new Act significantly re- ing. Part of the aspect of marriage equality. Working in tan- popular political participation in an dem with a generational shift towards era of youth power.

    Advocates of this new pol- just the stomping grounds of privileged itics assume the contest over national families and established organisations. In a sense, the remains to be seen. Exploring how China uses both money and rhetoric to seek influence in Africa can help us move beyond the neocolonial debate to a more nuanced understanding of Sino-African relations — with Zambia and Ethiopia being cases in point.

    After World War II, growing movements for independence across the African continent were sometimes met by harsh anti-decolonisation policies from colonial masters, for example the French in Algeria. This gained him respect among many young African nationalists.

    Under Mao, China provided financial and other material aid to a num- ber of African countries including Zambia, Tanzania, and Guinea. In addition, labour costs, which had previously given China its cost advantage over other developing coun- tries, rose, forcing some Chinese companies to search for lower cost pro- duction sites abroad.

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    While Ethio- pia was looking for capital, China sought diplomatic support and access to emerging African markets. Qiyuan, a privately owned Chinese steel-manufacturing company, expressed interest in building an SEZ in Dukem, Oromia state, thirty kilometres from Addis Ababa. China also finances key energy projects in Ethiopia. In , the Ethi- opian government signed a contract with Italian company Salini Impre- gilo to build a 1, megawatt hydroelectric dam. Because of these and other investments, Ethiopia is now a net electricity exporter, with the cheap- est electricity supply prices in sub-Saharan Africa.

    Zambia gained independence from the United Kingdom in October A year later, it was among the first African countries to establish diplo- matic ties with China. In , under the auspices of the World Bank and IMF, the Zambian gov- ernment started privatising its loss-making state-owned copper mining companies, selling to mainly foreign multinational companies. In Zambia, as in Ethiopia, the Chinese government has stepped in to invest in energy production.

    In November , the Zambian government initiated the construction of a megawatt hydroelectric power station on the Kafue River in the southern Chikankata district, ninety kilometres from Lusaka. The article reflects widespread perceptions about China in Africa. In , after an explosion in a Chinese mine in Chambishi killed fifty-two Zambians, there were protests in , and the Zambian gov- POWER Beyongo Mukete Dynamic ernment responded by strengthening its workplace safety and labour standards. But it is not just about money. Serious questions remain, however, about the short-term and longer term consequences of these contributions, including the burden of debt and imbalances in trade.

    Some Chinese companies and Western ones as well stand accused, too, of poor treatment of workers and lax environ- mental standards. Much will depend on how African governments evolve their own regulatory and legal institutions, and facilitate the agency of their citizens to address these problems. The case of Zambia gives some cause for optimism in this regard. With few other natural assets be- Pacific. China deliberately mixes aid, 8 ports. Chinese firms are also building direct investment, service contracts, and financing the Djibouti International labour cooperation, and trade deals to Free Trade Zone DIFTZ — set to be the maximise the viability and flexibility of largest in Africa.

    In Merchants Group. Despite text of excessive indebtedness. What did it offer us in exchange? Between this allegedly Monetary Fund IMF that Djibouti will virtuous nothing and the develop- struggle to service its massive debts, ment of vital infrastructures, my the country continues to borrow from POWER Olivia Shen decision was quickly made. In China than to any other partner that operates a base in its territory.

    Debt , Chinese loans to Djibouti were could leave it beholden to China and about twice the combined value compromise its ability to accommo- of loans from the World Bank, the date other foreign military bases. But Djibouti has traps do not change the practical few choices. Rather, this mass mi- mould rather than one of a coherent gration is an outgrowth of the primary and centrally directed engagement. While many government. They employ both Chinese and Ghanaian workers, and sell gold to local middlemen who transfer funds directly to accounts back in China. They have then undermined by the gold rush Source: spy ghana, Flickr funnelled money often corruptly into local pockets, both reinforcing existing that it has now become both part of the power structures, and shifting power local identity, and an important aspect and influence to people who previ- of the local economy.

    There are two ously had none. These machines are purchased first-tier cities and become part of the by local miners and shipped to Ghana emerging cohort of wealthy Chinese and elsewhere in the world. Tensions have in specifying that only Ghana- arisen between individual Ghanaian ians are permitted to engage in this and Chinese people, as well as between activity — has fundamentally trans- Accra, the Ghanaian capital, and Bei- formed local economic and political jing. The introduction of new technol- conditions in some parts of Ghana, and ogy to scale up the extraction of gold back in China as well.

    Like gold rushes has resulted in a host of deleterious throughout history, this event has pro- environmental impacts — rendering duced boomtowns with new markets, fields barren, contaminating drinking and shifted local constellations of pow- water, and ultimately destroying the er.

    This has resulted in sig- Meanwhile, the Chinese miners de- nificant backlash against the miners, mand official assistance whenever including armed conflict leading to in- there is a crackdown, forcing Chinese juries and even death. Since then, Ultimately, the Chinese gold rush there has been a series of attempts to in Ghana, like so many stories of China push the Chinese miners out of the in Africa, does not fit the narrative of country through arrests, deportations, a powerful monolithic Chinese state.

    It and the destruction of equipment. In is, instead, the story of dispersed and early , the Ghanaian government fragmented power relations charac- imposed a full moratorium on alluvial mining for both foreigners and locals; terised by relatively marginal groups 10 this was still in place in From its humble beginnings as a peasant army, the PLA has become one of the most powerful armed forces in the world. This overhaul of the Central Government not only sought to improve administrative efficien- cy, but also reflected shifting policy priorities.

    However, this changed in the post-Mao reform era. With the marketisation of the Chinese economy providing many new opportunities for social advancement and wealth creation, not only has the social status of military personnel declined sig- nificantly, but also the re-employment of demobilised military personnel has become an increasingly challenging social problem, making military service a much less esteemed occupation than before.

    Since Xi came to power, however, the pace and scope of military modernisation has intensified and broadened substan- tially. The dissolved Zhang Jian departments were also largely army-dominated institutions unsuitable for guiding modern joint operations. The second major radical change is the establishment of a two-level joint combat operation command system befitting the needs of modern warfare.

    The Central, Northern, Eastern, South- ern, and Western TCs will command joint combat operations during war- time in their geographic areas. There are two critical differences between the new TCs and the old MRs. First, while the MRs were largely in charge of army units, with little authority over other services, the TCs enjoy absolute operational command over all services within their jurisdictions. The reforms have also fundamentally changed the roles of individ- ual PLA services. The services are now essentially administrative, focus- sing on peacetime force development, training, and capability building.

    Lean and Powerful In addition to the radical restructuring discussed above, the last three years have seen significant changes made to the scale and structure of the Chinese military. The goal is to transform the PLA from a military of quan- tity to one of quality, and from a manpower-intensive to a technology- intensive military. The establishment of a separate PLA Army headquarters brings the Army into equal status with other services.

    Finally, the newly established Joint Logistics Support Force will provide efficient, central coordination covering the previously fragmented service and military region-based logistical support systems. The Party not the state has commanded the military since the Red Army days. The latest military reforms under Xi take this to a whole new level.

    The system has been in place since , when Deng Xiaoping held the position, and has been en- forced to various degrees under different leaders since then. The chief of the Commission is now a member of the pow- erful CMC, with a status higher than that of the service chiefs and heads of most CMC departments.

    Zhang reportedly committed suicide during the investigation. While the organisation- al changes are impressive, the efficacy and effectiveness of the new PLA Zhang Jian Command and Control system remains untested. Whether or not this comes to pass, the modernisation of the military is sure to remain a top priority for the Chinese leadership for decades to come. Ai was then enough of a perso- as well, when Beijing authorities de- na grata to have been invited to help molished his studio, without warning, design the stadium for the Beijing while he was in Germany.

    Yet diverged. Kenyans were simply following the How that plays out for the Chinese art lead of the scandalised Western press: world remains to be seen. This tone-deaf response culture that is strongly nationalistic only ensured that the controversy sim- and inadequately self-reflexive is un- mered on. Yet, as the US Council face and padded posterior and an Af- on Foreign Relations observed more rican man in a monkey costume. On the last tiatives.

    I had attended a Games opening ceremony. Farrelly ingenuity. Russia and internationally — what is commonly India provided the largest number of called soft power. The emy of Social Sciences launched the participants themselves become part program in By , the number of the show.