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The probability of non-registration falls sharply as length of occupancy in a dwelling increases. Likewise, home ownership indicates an attachment to locality that is reflected in a higher frequency of electoral participation. The frequency of registration rises with age; the lower frequency of registration among young people is what prompted French legislators to introduce automatic registration. Interpreting this concept of age is never straightforward, since what is involved here is not biological aging but rather the progressive entry of young people into the adult world.

At the age of legal majority they have to assume their institutional role as adults, and not all are ready for it. In this respect, it is relevant to note that adult children still living with their parents have a probability of non-registration that is 4. An alternative and more mundane interpretation is that of registration inertia. As noted earlier, an individual who never changes address may have occasion to register once only during his or her lifetime.

So the much higher frequency of registration among elderly adults would be due to an accumulation or stock effect. Likewise, the most highly mobile individuals themselves create the circumstances that necessitate their re-registration. Recent arrivals in a municipality are thus at risk of being at least temporarily non-registered, with a higher risk among tenants than homeowners who by definition have lower residential mobility. But this postulate alone cannot account for the effects of educational level, network membership, sex or country of birth.

Persons born abroad are less often registered than those born in France ceteris paribus. Does this participation gap reflect the lack of a parental model, where parents settled in France are often foreigners with no right to vote except in local and European elections for EU nationals? It is singular to see that French nationals born in Africa have a lower.

Table 2. If confirmed by future studies, this finding could reflect the ties that persist between the former colonies and France, and that find practical form in a higher registration rate. Table 2 cont. Social status. Finally, the probability of electoral registration versus non-registration varies according to the social status of individuals. Hence registration rates are lower among the unemployed than among the employed. Membership of a large family 6 people or more — which does not signify direct experience.

Apart from the people with the lowest incomes, a proportion of whom are students, individuals with low incomes are less often registered; high earners, by contrast, are more likely to be registered. Overall, unemployment, low income and large family membership are all factors that significantly affect, ceteris paribus, the probability of electoral non-registration, though are less determinant than educational level and degree of social integration Table 2.

Is there a specific neighbourhood effect on electoral non-registration in sensitive urban zones? Social problems tend to be concentrated in poorer neighbourhoods. But where then could that lack or dissent originate from? The question often arises of whether people's social characteristics alone "explain" individual behaviour — in this case, registration — or whether living in a socially disadvantaged neighbourhood increases the disparities for an introduction and review of the literature on "neighbourhood effects", see Marpsat and Laurent, ; Marpsat, Supporters of the theory argue that the effect stems from a counter-culture or counter-norm produced by an adaptation to local models, transmitted through social emulation and which, in this particular case, would cause lower participation in democratic institutions.

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  • Determinants of Electoral Non-Registration and Sensitive Neighbourhoods in France.

Method and formalization. ZUS classification is mainly for administrative purposes and is intended to implement economic and administrative measures in these neighbourhoods as part of "urban policy" "la politique de la ville". The list is decided by the Interdepartmental Commission for Urban Policy working with prefectures and local authorities ZUS have been defined to date. Selection is mainly of large outlying neighbourhoods based on their poorer socio-economic profiles relative to the city or conurbation they belong to, and on the priorities set in "urban development contracts".

It is therefore a relative classification from which no absolute national scale of neighbourhood deprivation can be derived; this means that a sensitive urban zone in a prosperous region could be declassified were it to be in a poorer region. Nonetheless, it is invariably disadvantaged neighbourhoods that are concerned by the ZUS classification. Table 2 shows that living in a neighbourhood classified as a sensitive urban zone increases the probability of voter non-registration ceteris pari-.

If the analysis went no further, we could therefore conclude for the presence of a neighbourhood effect. But this result may be related to characteristics not included in the model, or to the effect of a hidden variable picked up by the ZUS variable. If so, to attribute the effect to the ZUS would be incorrect. To overcome this problem, a second logistic model can be used to test, for each of an individual's characteristics, the significance of the observed differentials by whether or not they live in a ZUS-classified districts so as to reveal any characteristics specific to the inhabitants of ZUSs the method is based on that of Olivier Godechot, A large number of significant differences between ZUS and non-ZUS residents would suggest the existence of a neighbourhood effect.

But it will be hard to prove for certain, since it could be argued that ZUS neighbourhoods contain a higher concentration of characteristics not included in the model, in which case the variables crossed with the ZUS variable would pick up that information instead of a specific ZUS-residence effect see Marpsat, It is unlikely, however, that one or more hidden variables could affect all the results of the regression analysis.

Conversely, a finding of nonsignificant differentials between the logistic regression parameters would demonstrate the absence of a neighbourhood effect for the ZUSs based on the data from the Neighbourhood Life Survey. What is the real answer? Rare, weak and doubtful effects.

If in general perceived religious affiliation is associated with a higher registration rate, this is even more the case in non-ZUS than ZUS neighbourhoods. It must first be stressed that this variable does not pick up the father's birth country effect, since this information is present as such in the regression. The difference may come from the relative shares of the various religions, which probably varies with the social composition of the neighbourhoods, and from their differential effects.

For example, Durkheim noted in Le suicide that propensity to suicide varied between Catholics, Protestants and Jews. Weber attributed the earlier emergence of capitalism in the English-speaking countries to the Protestant ethic. In a similar way, it is conceivable that the relative share of the different religions by type of neighbourhood influences the probability of voter registration. This hypothesis would obviously require closer examination using more detailed data.

But this finding is hard to interpret, especially since the difference has a low level of significance. It is perhaps due entirely to characteristics that are unobserved or statistically unobservable and that bias the evaluation. As regards non-economically active persons in receipt of a survivor's pension and persons who are disabled, the deviation probably stems from different relative shares of these two groups by type of neighbourhood.

To the question "Do you have health problems or disabilities that prevent you from working or studying? Reduced mobility can lead to a disengagement from electoral life. In this case, too, we can do no more than put forward hypotheses that are uncertain and open to criticism.

The result may, for instance, be due to disparities in cultural capital not captured by the educational attainment variable and that depend on whether women live in ZUS or non-ZUS neighbourhoods. Another hypothesis is that women who live in ZUS neighbourhoods have a more traditional pattern of behaviour than those living elsewhere. In this case, the difference observed would stem from a selection effect rather than from an effect specific to the neighbourhood.

The foregoing remarks, combined with the non-significance of the many other variables in the model, lead to concluding for the lack of a specific "ZUS neighbourhood" effect on non-registration, at least as this can be determined using data from the Neighbourhood Life Survey. Where electoral registration is concerned, therefore, the hypothesis of dissenting behaviour or impaired citizenship specifically attributable to living in ZUSs cannot be confirmed. Differences in behaviour over electoral registration would thus appear to originate in the individual characteristics of the inhabitants.

However, ZUS neighbourhoods are considered here as a generality, although by definition they differ clearly in terms both of the difficulties they face and their socio-demographic make-up. Aggregating the ZUSs smoothes out their differences and "averages" the results. The very few studies conducted on electoral abstention among the inhabitants of ZUS neighbourhoods have highlighted sharp differences in behaviour between the residents of ZUSs in the same region, and even in the same town Oger, In this perspective, what emerges from this study is more the lack of validity of the ZUSs as a relevant statistical category for determining the effects of socially disadvantaged neighbourhoods, rather than evidence of the social organization within these neighbourhoods as detected through electoral registration.

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    Her quest for knowledge transformed her, taking her over oceans and across continents, to Harvard and to Cambridge University. And how much must we betray them to grow up? James Comey. In his book, former FBI director James Comey shares his never-before-told experiences from some of the highest-stakes situations of his career in the past two decades of American government, exploring what good, ethical leadership looks like, and how it drives sound decisions. His journey provides an unprecedented entry into the corridors of power, and a remarkable lesson in what makes an effective leader.

    FBI agent Emmy Dockery is absolutely relentless. She's young and driven, and her unique skill at seeing connections others miss has brought her an impressive string of arrests. But a shocking new case-unfolding across the country-has left her utterly baffled. The victims all appear to have died by accident, and have seemingly nothing in common. But this many deaths can't be coincidence. And the killer is somehow one step ahead of every move Dockery makes.

    But someone else is watching Dockery. Studying, learning, waiting. Until it's the perfect time to strike. Unfreedom of the Press. Mark R. Levin comes a groundbreaking and enlightening book that shows how the great tradition of the American free press has degenerated into a standardless profession that has squandered the faith and trust of the American public, not through actions of government officials, but through its own abandonment of reportorial integrity and objective journalism.