Publication Timeline. Most widely held works by Hans-Martin Koettenich. Familie Hesselbach Vol. In den folgenden Jahren sind unter dem Titel "Die Familie Hesselbach" weiter 47 Folgen dieser sogenannten Alltags-chronik produziert worden. Zwei weitere Staffeln folgten. Regie: Karlheinz Schilling. After a series of bloody purges the life-loving, volatile Danton is tormented by his part in the killing.
Trade is central to European economic success and as I mentioned several weeks ago, Europe needs to intensify trade talks with our partners around the world, not least due to signs of protectionism emerging elsewhere. We agreed to swiftly advance ongoing negotiations, such as with Japan, which are most advanced, with Mercosur and Mexico.
Already next week we will discuss with President Juncker how to progress in our trade deal with Japan when we host Prime Minister Abe in Brussels. Our sincere hope is to finalise these talks this year. Leaders expressed their will to strengthen trade relations with China. At the same time, we will not hesitate to defend ourselves against unfair trading practices, wherever necessary. It will help Europe set the global standard for free and fair trade.
In the evening, we discussed the tense situation in the Western Balkans. It was clear to all that forces inside and outside are working vigorously to destabilise the region. That is why leaders reaffirmed their unequivocal support for the Western Balkans, and its European perspective. We also expressed our full commitment to support EU-oriented reforms and ongoing projects. I hope this positive signal from Europe will be heard. Leaders also reviewed progress made in the area of security and defence cooperation, where the European Council gave a new impetus last December as a strategic priority.
Leaders agreed to come back to this again in June. Dear Members, on Friday, we met informally as 27 ahead of the 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome. There was an honest and constructive discussion about our common future.
It focused on what should be the main elements of the Rome Declaration and our agenda going forward. It was clear from the debate that the unity of the 27 will be our most precious asset. Some expect systemic changes that would loosen intra-EU ties and strengthen the role of nations in relation to the Community. Others, quite the opposite, are looking for new, deeper dimensions of integration, even if they would apply only to some Member States. Such a possibility is indeed foreseen in the Treaties currently in force.
However, considering the interests of the community of 27 countries in the context of the upcoming Brexit negotiations as well as the long-term strategic interests of the EU, I will be urging everyone to strive towards maintaining political unity among the This is why, when discussing the various scenarios for Europe, our main objective should be to strengthen mutual trust and unity among It was a relatively optimistic discussion about our common future, with a positive approach from all sides, without any exception.
It is our collective intention to mark the 60th anniversary with the sense of celebration and sober reflection that it deserves. Jean-Claude and I continue to work closely with Prime Ministers Gentiloni and Muscat on this, and I want to thank them both for their efforts and dedication. Finally, on my re-appointment as President of the European Council, I have nothing further to say except to reiterate that I am really grateful for the trust that has been placed in me and absolutely determined to work with all Member States and institutions to make the EU better and more united.
Dear Members, Brexit was not on our agenda last week, but let me share two remarks, given that this is our last meeting before the UK triggers Article I will do everything in my power to make sure that the EU and the UK will be close friends in the future. Britain will be dearly missed as an EU Member State. When it comes to negotiations, we will have no choice but to start the withdrawal talks once the UK notifies. We are carefully preparing for these negotiations, in close consultation with Member States and the European Parliament.
It is our wish to make this process constructive, and conducted in an orderly manner. However, the claims, increasingly taking the form of threats, that no agreement will be good for the UK, and bad for the EU, need to be addressed. We will not be intimidated by threats, and I can assure you they simply will not work. Our goal is to have a smooth divorce and a good framework for the future, and it is good to know that Prime Minister Theresa May shares this view.
There is one final thing I would like to say about the Netherlands, after what happened over the weekend. A place of freedom and democracy. And for sure Rotterdam, the city of Erasmus, brutally destroyed by the Nazis, which today has a Mayor born in Morocco. If anyone sees fascism in Rotterdam, they are completely detached from reality. We all show solidarity with the Netherlands. Out of respect for our friends in the Netherlands, let me repeat this in Dutch. Nederland is Europa en Europa is Nederland, plaats van vrijheid en democratie. Dat heeft met fascisme niets te maken. We zijn allen solidair met Nederland.
Thank you also for your speech. I totally agree with you, as I said at the beginning of this plenary, on the situation in the Netherlands. Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the Commission. I have a good passive understanding of Dutch, and when I speak Dutch it is better than that spoken by the President of the Council, but I recognise that he made a huge effort to address the Dutch nation. By the way, following your assessment, I was scandalised by what was said by Turkey about the Netherlands, Germany and others.
I will never accept this comparison between the Nazis and governments now. My home country, Luxembourg, was occupied by the Nazis. Our people suffered. My father was forced into the German army, together with his three brothers. If you are drawing a comparison between that period and the present time, this is totally unacceptable.
The one doing this is distancing himself from Europe, not trying to enter the European Union. The European Union is not joining Turkey. Turkey is joining the European Union. It was the first meeting the European Council had in its new building. I refer to this new building as the Tusk Tower. I prefer the Tusk Tower to the other one. I am happy that Donald has been re—elected because not only do we have excellent personal relations, but we also have good interinstitutional relations.
I am very grateful for that. Things could have happened differently, because my first ambition was to become President of the European Council. Now you are there, I am here and it is excellent like that. I am the best President of the Commission in comparison to you, and you are a better President of the European Council in comparison to me, so everything is OK. Das sollten wir auch tun! Wir — Herr Tusk und ich — werden den japanischen Premierminister am Only one sentence on defence: I think that the point the US is making is right. We have to take care of our own defence and we have to increase our defence budget.
Mr Trump is not the first one to say this. George W Bush, Clinton and Obama were saying exactly the same, and we made a commitment. I think in Wales — which is part of Britain — we signed a commitment, and we have to respect that commitment, but I am strictly against this restricted concept of defence. International — planetary — stability is more than defence expenditure.
Aid development, money for humanitarian action by our countries, is as important as military expenditure, and I would like to insist on that. Die Niederlande. Wer macht mit? Die Kommission wollte nicht ein Diktat vorlegen. Europa ist mehr als Binnenmarkt, als Macht, als Geld und als Warenaustausch! Europa ist zuvorderst das Europa der Menschen! Das sind nicht die Optionen der Kommission, das sind die Optionen, die sich zurzeit in der Debatte befinden. Paolo Gentiloni, Presidente del Consiglio italiano. Ricordare questi risultati serve, credo, a riflettere sul futuro.
Mi auguro che su questo ci sia, da parte di tutti noi, una consapevolezza comune. La Dichiarazione di Roma vuole dare un messaggio in questo contesto di fiducia nell'Unione e nei suoi prossimi dieci anni. Ma credo che alcune scelte debbano essere indicate in modo forte e chiaro, e ne abbiamo discusso prima a Malta e poi a Bruxelles qualche giorno fa. In primo luogo, rispondere alla domanda di crescita, di investimenti e di lavoro. Se non veniamo fuori dalla crisi, se non riduciamo i livelli di disoccupazione, soprattutto giovanile, nella nostra Unione e in particolare in alcuni paesi, non avremo fiducia nel futuro dell'Unione.
In secondo luogo, condividere l'impegno per la sicurezza delle nostre frontiere e per una strategia comune per gestire i flussi migratori. In terzo luogo, rafforzare il nostro ruolo nel mondo, anche attraverso passi concreti verso una difesa comune — ne ha parlato adesso il presidente della Commissione.
Onorevoli parlamentari, sono principi su cui dobbiamo lavorare passo dopo passo: non ci sono oggi le condizioni per fare dei salti in avanti istituzionali enormi ma dobbiamo rimetterci in marcia ora. Ma ognuno ha il proprio livello di ambizione; tutti possono scegliere di partecipare — lo possono fare adesso e lo potranno fare in futuro — a forme di cooperazione rafforzata e tutti saranno coinvolti nel progetto comune.
Come disse Jean Monnet: "Non coalizziamo Stati, uniamo uomini". Louis Grech, President-in-Office of the Council. The European Union is about its million citizens and about their hopes, their fears and their aspirations. Brexit is an unfortunate reality, but we have to move on. We cannot allow Brexit, no matter how much it may be in the headlines and how complex and delicate an issue it is, to distract us from, and create wedges in, our central mission. Talk of an existential crisis has become the norm. Yes, we are living in times of extraordinary unpredictability and it would be a big mistake to underestimate the major setbacks and challenges, but it would be an even bigger mistake to fall into a negative mind-set and resign ourselves to doing nothing.
The buck stops with us. Never has there been a more important time for Member States and the institutions to remain united, never has there been such a crucial time for all of us to focus on the big picture and shut out potentially distracting, unnecessarily divisive issues. Many feel disenfranchised or disillusioned.
It is up to us to show why European added value can be tangibly translated into citizen added value. As Presidency, our overarching theme is reunion — a reunion which fosters a climate in which the Union can once again regain the trust and confidence in the European project and secure its strong and viable existence.
We must rethink our priorities, rethink what resources we put into various policies, and usher in reform where necessary.
by alumni of
Having said that, reform does not mean a whole redesign of Europe. Some options, to me, seem to be more attractive than others and, who knows, there may be other options which have not yet been brought to the table. However, I also believe that, whichever way we eventually choose to go, it will not create first and second-class citizens or result in kneejerk reactions or quick-fix solutions which foster unnecessary tensions and distrust. This could pave the way for the eventual erosion of unity. Irrespective of whether Member States opt to drive in second, third or fourth gear, neutral is not an option.
We must use as a basic platform the established principles: respect for human rights and dignity, freedom, equality and rule of law. These are the values that reflect the soul of the Union and form the core of any future Europe. We — I think I should rephrase that — most of us believe in a future Europe that upholds the fundamental value of solidarity on issues like migration, and in a Europe that strives to guarantee the safety and security of its citizens.
Current indicators show that we have, once again, started to register successes. We believe that the Union should be should be robustly positioned to shape and manage better globalisation, not merely react to it. A strong Europe is needed to bring about the right balance in a world order which is shifting. We believe in a Europe that fights for a healthy environment, yet Europe will only be viable if it is socially responsible, equitable and just, and if it is significantly moulded from the bottom up, not from the top down.
Make no mistake: Europe will only be credible if it delivers on its decisions. In Rome, Member States will reaffirm our commitment to a united Europe, but the declaration is not an end in itself: far from it.
Any progress registered on the future of Europe must be followed up and translated into action. A coordinated action by the institutions is absolutely vital. Colleagues, we need to draw on this momentum and galvanise and energise our forces to forge a stronger, better Union. We have a fragile balancing act to perform: a balance between flexibility, which is not so loose as to threaten the meaning of a real Union, and intransigent rigidity which would undermine the whole process of the European project.
We believe that success belongs to those who can harness positive forces that unite rather than divide. We believe in a better Europe, our young people believe in a better Europe, and we believe that the Union has what it takes to move forward. Das ist ein sehr gutes Zeichen der Partnerschaft. Zweieinhalb Jahre exzellente Arbeit liegen hinter Ihnen. Herzliche Gratulation dazu! Meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren! Ich glaube, die Entwicklung richtet sich selbst. Ja, die Ideen, die Jean-Claude Juncker vorgelegt hat, sind gut.
Die Balance zu finden, ist eine wichtige Aufgabe.
Aber ehrlich gesagt, glaube ich, dass das nicht unbedingt die zentralste Debatte ist — es ist eine wichtige Debatte, aber nicht unbedingt die wichtigste. Wir diskutieren zurzeit den westlichen Balkan. Ringrazio il presidente Juncker, il Primo ministro Gentiloni e il vice Primo ministro Grech per gli importanti discorsi che hanno fatto. Ringrazio, in particolare, il Primo ministro Gentiloni per il riconoscimento forte che ha fatto del ruolo essenziale del Parlamento europeo.
Traggo dalle vostre parole l'urgenza di un'azione forte per rilanciare il progetto europeo e noi socialisti ci siamo. Presidente Tajani, lei sa di contare sulla fiducia del nostro gruppo: ma se la dichiarazione finale di Roma dovesse essere troppo debole, dovesse non contenere riferimenti significativi all'Europa sociale e alla governance dell'eurozona, noi le chiederemo di non firmarlo. Noi socialisti non ci rassegniamo allo status quo. I populisti sono forti, non solo quando noi non sappiamo spiegare i nostri successi; sono forti anche quando noi appariamo deboli o rassegnati.
- An inventory of the writings of Antonie Pannekoek (1873-1960).
- Die Reinigung der Seele (Teil 11) Die Sorge (Die Reinigung der Seele 1-41) (German Edition)?
- Asymmetry and Aggregation in the EU.
- Koettenich, Hans-Martin [WorldCat Identities].
- Find in ZORA!
- Words of Stone.
- Koettenich, Hans-Martin;
Uniti e coraggiosi possiamo sconfiggerli. Gentiloni ha detto le cose sagge oggi. Prima viene la sostanza poi il metodo. A Roma abbiamo tre grandi sfide da affrontare. Abbiamo bisogno di standard sociali comuni, di migliori condizioni di vita. E a chi chiede dove troveremo le risorse per fare queste cose, io rispondo che ogni anno l'evasione fiscale ruba ai cittadini europei miliardi di euro. Gentile Presidente, il sogno che sessant'anni fa animava i costituenti ha conosciuto fasi alterne: picchi di entusiasmo e periodi di stagnazione o di declino.
E ho capito che soltanto se crediamo davvero in quel progetto possiamo cambiarlo e salvarlo. Raffaele Fitto, a nome del gruppo ECR. Qui, purtroppo, si rischia di appartenere alla seconda categoria. Se in tutta Europa avanza un'ondata di rigetto, bisognerebbe farsi qualche domanda sulle ragioni di questo fenomeno.
Ma la causa, l'origine, sono sempre le politiche sbagliate che purtroppo si continuano a difendere. Oggi l'Europa non ha bisogno di una gabbia finale ma, al contrario, di competizione tra modelli e sistemi diversi, in modo che i Paesi e i territori capaci di tagliare tasse, spesa e debito pubblico, e quindi di favorire la crescita, siano da esempio e da stimolo per gli altri; promuovere un meccanismo di rafforzamento dei parlamenti nazionali che consenta di agire congiuntamente per mettere in discussione e proporre politiche dell'Unione.
Sono queste le nostre proposte che sosterremo con forza. Fortunately a right of veto no longer exists on the matter of the nomination of the President of the European Council. It is quite cynical. It is also quite cynical that he has asked for freedom of speech for his ministers in our countries, while in the meantime there are European journalists in prison in Turkey. I think we have to be realistic and I am in full agreement with what Manfred Weber has said.
It is good that we are condemning everything that is happening in Turkey, but at a certain point, Mr President of the Commission, Mr President of the Council, let us be honest, let us freeze the accession negotiations now. That is the only serious way to do it. I will be in another beautiful place in Rome, the Piazza di Spagna, because with the European Movement, with my friend Elmar Brok, with Jo Leinen of the European Federalists, with the Spinelli Group, and with the Stand Up for Europe movement, we will be gathering there, in the Piazza di Spagna, which is perhaps as beautiful as Campidoglio, because we want to recall, not the Europe we have got and that we had in the past, but in fact we want to prepare the Europe we will need in the future.
The question about what kind of Europe we will need in the future has been there for weeks, months, and I should say, already for years. Do we need more Europe or do we need less Europe? Do we need more or less? I think it is a stupid question. In some cases and in some fields we need less Europe. We need less bureaucracy, we need less regulation, for example in our internal market. Maybe we will need less Commissioners in the future and a small European government.
We need no regulation on toilet bowls, vacuum cleaners, bananas or cucumbers. There we need less Europe. But at the same time we are all aware of the fact that we need more Europe on a number of other issues. For example, we need a European government for our single currency and a Minister of Finance and a Treasury, because a state can maybe exist without a currency, but a currency cannot exist without a state. That is the reality that we have to see. I think we need a European investigation and an intelligence capacity to fight against terrorism, not only depending on coordination between national authorities, and finally I think we also need a European defence community and a European army to stabilise our neighbourhood and to be capable of doing something in our neighbourhood.
So the question is not whether we need less or we need more. We need less in some fields and we certainly need more in other fields. I hope that in Rome we will not produce hot air again because, let us be honest, Mr Tusk, we have had Valletta, we have had Bratislava, and now we are going to Rome. It is now time to start a process. We are not going to rewrite the Treaties in Rome 60 years later. That is not possible, but what we could do is start a process, finally, and not just make declarations, like the new declaration we are now preparing.
We are not going to wait for the outcome of all these elections in because there are going to be new elections in and in other countries. So, if you can do something, it is to launch that process. We know that Rome was the first republic, we know it was the first empire, we know it was the birthplace, with Florence, of the Renaissance, and we know it was the start of the European Union.
Well, I hope that on the 25th it can also be city of the rebirth of the European Union. Die endet im April. Sie sagen, bis November wollen wir zu einer Einigung kommen. Ja, ich hoffe es, weil keine Zeit zu verlieren ist, weil das da die Frage ist, die viele Menschen immer wieder stellen. Und gerade auch im Zusammenhang mit der Brexit-Diskussion wird das ja umso gravierender werden, wenn wir uns nicht auch selbst endlich mal die Frage stellen und die Ursache beantworten.
Nehmen Sie den Les autres paient la facture. E sul versante sociale? Con l' austerity abbiamo lasciato i nostri cittadini senza lavoro, i malati senza farmaci, i poveri senza assistenza sociale. Replicherete le formule precarie e prive di tutela che sono state utilizzate in Italia con il jobs act?
Che fine hanno fatto le intenzioni della Commissione sul reddito di cittadinanza europeo? Ma parliamo anche di immigrazione. Che smetteremo una buona volta di partecipare alle guerre che provocano l'impennata dei flussi migratori? Che tipo di sviluppo economico avete in mente, poi? Con quale impatto sull'ambiente, sulla salute e sul clima? Con quali strumenti intende raggiungerlo? Con il FEIS?
Il piano che strizza l'occhio alle banche, con prodotti di ingegneria finanziaria che creeranno un'ennesima bolla speculativa, che ha finanziato progetti legati alle fonti fossili e finanzia industrie come l'Ilva che causano morte? A Roma noi proporremo ai cittadini il "libro a cinque stelle", l'ultimo tentativo per realizzare una casa che sia l'Europa dei cittadini. Matteo Salvini, a nome del gruppo ENF.
Biascicate delle minacce del leader turco Erdogan: in questo momento gli stiamo dando dieci miliardi e mezzo di EUR. Ma vi sembra normale? Sull'immigrazione non riuscite a combinare niente: record di morti, record di sbarchi. Qualcuno vaneggia di togliere i dazi che proteggono le merci italiane ed europee dalla concorrenza sleale cinese: o siete pagati da altri o siete matti! Avete rinnovato le sanzioni economiche contro la Russia, l'unica che ha avuto il coraggio di andare a mettere il piede in Siria per combattere il terrorismo islamico.
Se dovessimo aspettare i governi europei o la Commissione europea per combattere l'Isis, ce li avremmo qua seduti oggi, col burqa e con il mitra, a darci lezioni di democrazia. Per quanto riguarda l'agricoltura, non una parola, non una parola! Io pretendo che vengano difesi il cibo, il mare e la terra che il buon Dio ha lasciato ai popoli europei prima che arrivasse questa Commissione che sta devastando tutto. In questo momento ci sono migliaia di lavoratori italiani in piazza a Roma contro la direttiva Bolkestein, una delle direttive che aiuta le multinazionali sulla pelle dei lavoratori, come la direttiva sulle banche, come le direttive sulla finanza e sul commercio.
Voi avete il sogno dei banchieri, dei finanzieri, dei lobbisti, dei massoni e delle multinazionali: togliete le mani da questa Europa e lasciatela dai cittadini europei. Buon grappino, Presidente Juncker! Diane Dodds NI. This week in our national Parliament legislation was finalised, paving the way for Brexit negotiations. Those who wish to delay and distract have been defeated. As the European Union discusses its own future in Rome, it is clear that Brexit will be a reality. It is in the interests of all of us, in the United Kingdom and the rest of Europe, that we set aside our differences and work to make it a new and successful relationship, one of cooperation and partnership, in making our people more prosperous and secure.
Angelika Niebler PPE. Wir sind jetzt am Zug und vor allen Dingen die Mitgliedstaaten. Das ist meine Vorstellung von Europa. Ich freue mich auf die weiteren Diskussionen. Ich hoffe, wir haben am The clear choice should be to do much better together on the relevant priorities. Therefore, I believe that the real debate to be developed is on whether — and how — we should deliver on these relevant priorities, first of all providing our citizens with better working and living conditions. All working people in Europe should count on a clear contract with fundamental rights and full access to social protection.
This is a central piece of the social pillar which must be included in the Rome Declaration. We also need to make sure that more investment and better jobs will be delivered with stronger means. That is why the Rome Declaration must include a full reform of the eurozone with the banking union and the fiscal capacity. We need to make sure that Europe remains a central pillar of the multilateral system and for international cooperation, but we also need to make sure that the next trade agreements will enforce our social and environmental standards.
Most of all, the Rome Declaration needs to assert, 60 years later, the European Union as a powerful, political, economic, social and cultural entity, but most of all a democratic entity. That is why we need to fully involve European citizens and the European Parliament in defining this Rome Declaration. Joachim Starbatty ECR. Das ist eine Versperrung der Wirklichkeit. Wenn man Deutschland aus den Zahlen herausrechnet, sieht es ganz anders aus. Unser Euro ist unterbewertet, deswegen wird der Export subventioniert. Deswegen wird der Export beschnitten.
I think you can say in logical terms that if you are not able to solve the general problems then you are bound to bump into all the specific problems during the ride. I think this is what is going on in Europe at the moment. National law in Europe is usually structured in Kelsenian terms, meaning that when Hans Kelsen wrote about national law, he spoke about Stufenordnung : you have certain levels of law in every country. This level of law is actually then turned slightly upside down by the Treaty, because the Treaty follows a different logic, and this is the problem we are running into with every question and every discussion in this House.
We need to be able to find compromises between the Kelsenian structure and the structure of the Treaty, and this is the challenge we actually have in front of us. It is the problem you are running into every single day in the Commission and in the Council. We need to solve this problem in order to build a future Europe which functions and keeps itself together. The disastrous partition of Ireland divided people and communities, and there can be no going back to this. Hard or soft borders, the people living in border communities in Ireland will not stand for it, so frictionless or electronic borders do not reassure anyone.
The damage that will be done to the peace process in Ireland is immeasurable. Any sort of border that will damage the Good Friday Agreement will tell people that the political process failed. My generation will do everything it can to make sure that the next generation never has to endure what we had to. The EU has a political, legal, and moral duty to help us ensure that the next generation is not faced with hard borders or hardship. Therefore, the Council and the Commission, in their Brexit negotiations, must protect the people of Ireland — north, south, east and west — from this English Brexit madness.
It is right that we should celebrate our common values, solidarity, cooperation, multilateralism, the acknowledgement that any problem that we face is bigger than any one country, however big, however small. But it is also right that we should reflect on just how fragile those values and that progress truly are. Trust me: the ingredients of Brexit exist in every one of our European countries.
We cannot be complacent. I will also be in Rome next weekend, in my kilt, marching alongside you, working with you, to celebrate and defend our European values, because Scotland shares those European values — and those values must be defended. And Scotland faces the prospect of being removed from our family of nations, against our clearly-expressed democratic will. It is not fair, and if the EU is not a community of justice, law and democracy, what are we for? You will be aware, of course, that this week the government of Scotland has put the question of independence back on the table.
We do that out of complete frustration at the intransigence of the UK Government. President Tusk, when you say that the EU will not be intimidated by threats from the London Government, I assure you, neither will Scotland. We will not be intimidated. We will not be silent within this process. We are citizens, not subjects. We will not be passive bystanders. Independence is one of many possible futures.
I believe solutions can be found. We will look to our friends and our allies. It has nothing in common with the democracies of Europe and therefore Turkey should never ever be allowed to join the European Union. I am also going to agree, for the first time, with Ms Merkel, when she spoke about a two-speed Europe coming down the line. It is true, there is going to be a two-speed Europe. There is going to be Britain with Brexit in the fast lane and all you guys going in reverse. I am going to speak quickly about the Treaty of Rome.
Even though Britain was not an original signatory, it would be churlish of me not to accept that it was a noble and grand plan put together by men and women who had witnessed a Holocaust, who had witnessed Nazi occupation and the horrors of war. But they were men and women of their time, as it is a treaty of its time. Because to paraphrase the Scottish poet Robbie Burns, the best-laid plans of mice and men often go awry, and boy has this gone awry! Because what began as a noble economic plan has morphed into a political monster, egged on by successive Eurocrats, who are hungry for ever more power and determined to destroy the nation state.
What continues to amaze me is that you never learn. You talk about an existential crisis but you say what is needed is even more EU. You are fiddling whilst the Treaty of Rome burns. So what I will say is simply this: I urge caution when you are celebrating next week, because Brexit could trigger a floodgate whereby other countries leave that same Treaty you are celebrating next week.
Harald Vilimsky ENF. Das war mit Maastricht, das war mit einem falschen Konzept des Euro, das war mit Lissabon und geht hin bis zu aktuellen Entwicklungen, wo man versucht, eine Bankenunion, eine Energieunion und immer mehr und immer mehr an Zentralismus zu etablieren. Einer davon ist es, so weiterzumachen wie bislang — mit Sicherheit ein falsches Konzept.
Genauso wie es falsch ist, die Fehler der Vergangenheit jetzt noch mehr zu vertiefen. Wir haben die Konzepte eines Binnenmarktes, wir haben die Konzepte der verschiedenen Geschwindigkeiten und der Vertiefung von Zusammenarbeit in bestimmten Segmenten, dort, wo die Menschen es wollen und wo es auch mehrheitlich demokratisch getragen wird.
Bruno Gollnisch NI. Janusz Lewandowski PPE. A co to znaczy? Polska pozostaje normalnym krajem. Sixty years later, we must celebrate the incredible results we have managed to achieve, but we must knowledge that there is still a lot of work to be done. Ambition must be our driving force.
Vision is what we need today in our Member States, and at European Union level. We need to know that without vision and commitment, without unity and solidarity, we give space to those who try to divide us, to promote nationalism and to endanger the European project. Unity and solidarity must always come first. I said that ambition must be our driving force, and it is true that this may result in some wanting to do more in some fields, as, in fact, is already the case, but our solidarity and unity [must] never be jeopardised.
Any form of enhanced cooperation must guarantee that openness and transparency remain open to others who want to join, without obstacles of any kind. The entry criteria must remain unchanged, with no moving targets for those Member States who want to join at a later stage. Only with this in mind can we ensure the successful future of our Union. I hope that in Rome we will choose unity over division, and this should be our major project over the next years.
I think you are doing a very good job in mending the fences that we have in Europe. Secondly, on Turkey: honestly I think the time has come to say we cannot pursue the negotiations — we should not be freezing them, we should stop the negotiations and come with a new partnership kind of agreement for Turkey. It will not fly immediately, but I think we have no other option, and I say that as a person that in was one of the very few Commissioners that supported opening the negotiations with Turkey. Thirdly, on the scenarios. I think that we should exclude immediately three: Europe as it stands today; secondly, internal market that is disintegration; and thirdly, federation, because the time is not right.
We have two scenarios, but we do not have to discuss them, we should put on the table the concrete political issues on which we are to have a coherent approach, and then we will see what will fly with eventually a complete unity with multi-speed. Mi piacerebbe che smettesse di chiamare "populisti" tutti coloro che, non ottenendo veri cambi di marcia, sentono disgusto e paura.
Antonie Pannekoek Archives
Mi piacerebbe che l'Unione cominciasse a pensarsi come terra d'immigrazione e smettesse di scaricare sull'Africa questioni che noi non sappiamo risolvere se non con muri e carceri per i rifugiati. Es ist richtig, dass dort nicht ein Weg vorgegeben wurde, sondern ein Raum der Diskussion aufgemacht wurde. Taigi labai trumpai. Pone J. Junckeri, pone D. Bet vis tiktai priimkit mano sveikinimus. Janice Atkinson ENF. Mr Juncker, you talk about Mrs Mogherini being a bit of a schizophrenic.
I would agree, I think she is a schizophrenic because she is totally out of her depth. On trade: you talk about talking to civil society and trade unions. Let us just read lobbyists into that. If you do a deal in the City of London, you do a deal in Wall Street, it actually takes weeks and months, and that is where you are failing, because you have put a former sociology lecturer in charge of trade. Global Trends, Regional Differences. Meseguer, Covadonga , What Role for Learning?
Corporations and Public Policies in a Global Economy. New York. Neumayer, Eric , Improvements without Convergence. Oates, Wallace E. Orenstein, Mitchell A. Process and Progress. Washington D. Overbye, Einar , Convergence in Policy Outcome. Padgett, Stephen , Between Synthesis and Emulation. Pierson, Chris , Learning From Labour? Radice, Hugo , Globalization and National Capitalisms. Rogers, Everett M. Sala-i-Martin, Xavier X. Seeliger, Robert , Konvergenz oder Divergenz? Simmons, Beth A. Sorokin, Pitirim A.
Starr, Harvey , Democratic Dominoes. Internationalization and Economic Policy Response. Aldershot u. Walker, Jack L. Personalised recommendations.